Wesley Clark urges direct NATO intervention in Ukraine
Former Allied commander Wesley Clark proposes ordering a Russian ceasefire. An analysis of an escalation no one in Brussels wants to endorse.
English · Original discussion in Spanish · Published
Wesley Clark and NATO: the intervention no one in Brussels wants to endorse
How far is the Atlantic Alliance willing to go to prevent Ukraine's defeat? The question has ceased to be theoretical. Former Supreme Allied Commander Europe, Wesley Clark, bluntly stated that NATO must intervene directly and "order the Russians to cease fire." This is not a marginal opinion; it is the voice of the man who led the Kosovo War.
At the center of the debate is no longer whether Ukraine will win, but how much territory it will lose. And the answers oscillate between open intervention and nuclear apocalypse.
The general opening the door to direct war
Clark argues that the doctrine of non-intervention except in case of direct attack is an anachronism from the 1990s. His proposal implies moving beyond Article 5 as the sole path and shifting to offensive action against a nuclear power. Some analyses recall that this same general, nicknamed "the plumber" for his taste in opening conflicts, already predicted in 1999 that the Balkans would be the first step in a series of preventive wars.
Reactions were swift. Some see in this proposal a full declaration of war, signed by a retiree who won't put boots on the ground. The irony spreads: "Let him go, he'll see how fun it is."
An alliance in a credibility crisis
Against this stance, another current depicts a NATO unable to take that step. The withdrawal from Afghanistan left a "wanted enemy" sign at the Brussels headquarters. And if anyone doubted the real direction of the Alliance, there is the argument that Washington has turned collective defense into an instrument of economic vassalage. The uncomfortable question: if NATO did not intervene when Yugoslavia burned for humanitarian reasons, why would it do so now in Ukraine?
The balance sheet cited by some is devastating: five countries devastated in twenty years to sustain a narrative that began by massacring its own people. The Alliance's credibility, they say, is at its lowest point. Ukraine is perhaps the last bullet of an organization gambling with its existence.
The scenario no one wants to name
The discussion drifts toward a gloomy dead end. Among circulating analyses, some predict a partition of Ukraine: east of the Dnieper for Russia, the west absorbed by Poland, Hungary, and Romania, and Kyiv converted into a de facto Russian city. Others warn of false flag operations to justify entering the conflict, a script that was used, they recall, against Spain in 1898.
Economist Michael Hudson points out that in Washington there are those who believe "Jesus will come if the world blows up." The phrase condenses the underlying antiestéticar: escalation may be irreversible. The most optimistic calculations assume Americans won't put their dead on the table; pessimists recall that the Russians have only dipped their toes in.
No one in Brussels has answered the general. Perhaps they are all looking for Ukraine on the map.
How far is the Atlantic Alliance willing to go to prevent Ukraine's defeat? The question has ceased to be theoretical. Former Supreme Allied Commander Europe, Wesley Clark, bluntly stated that NATO must intervene directly and "order the Russians to cease fire." This is not a marginal opinion; it is the voice of the man who led the Kosovo War.
At the center of the debate is no longer whether Ukraine will win, but how much territory it will lose. And the answers oscillate between open intervention and nuclear apocalypse.
The general opening the door to direct war
Clark argues that the doctrine of non-intervention except in case of direct attack is an anachronism from the 1990s. His proposal implies moving beyond Article 5 as the sole path and shifting to offensive action against a nuclear power. Some analyses recall that this same general, nicknamed "the plumber" for his taste in opening conflicts, already predicted in 1999 that the Balkans would be the first step in a series of preventive wars.
Reactions were swift. Some see in this proposal a full declaration of war, signed by a retiree who won't put boots on the ground. The irony spreads: "Let him go, he'll see how fun it is."
An alliance in a credibility crisis
Against this stance, another current depicts a NATO unable to take that step. The withdrawal from Afghanistan left a "wanted enemy" sign at the Brussels headquarters. And if anyone doubted the real direction of the Alliance, there is the argument that Washington has turned collective defense into an instrument of economic vassalage. The uncomfortable question: if NATO did not intervene when Yugoslavia burned for humanitarian reasons, why would it do so now in Ukraine?
The balance sheet cited by some is devastating: five countries devastated in twenty years to sustain a narrative that began by massacring its own people. The Alliance's credibility, they say, is at its lowest point. Ukraine is perhaps the last bullet of an organization gambling with its existence.
The scenario no one wants to name
The discussion drifts toward a gloomy dead end. Among circulating analyses, some predict a partition of Ukraine: east of the Dnieper for Russia, the west absorbed by Poland, Hungary, and Romania, and Kyiv converted into a de facto Russian city. Others warn of false flag operations to justify entering the conflict, a script that was used, they recall, against Spain in 1898.
Economist Michael Hudson points out that in Washington there are those who believe "Jesus will come if the world blows up." The phrase condenses the underlying antiestéticar: escalation may be irreversible. The most optimistic calculations assume Americans won't put their dead on the table; pessimists recall that the Russians have only dipped their toes in.
No one in Brussels has answered the general. Perhaps they are all looking for Ukraine on the map.
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Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication. Read the full discussion (106 replies).
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