Albares and the European Army: Common Defense or Paying Bills with Spanish Blood?
The Spanish Foreign Minister has again put the creation of a European army on the table, just as Trump’s threats over Greenland strain transatlantic ties. But the debate is not about idealism: it is about who provides the casualties and who provides the money. While Germany and France lead the initiative, Spain seems destined to contribute soldiers rather than budget, a role many Spaniards are unwilling to accept.
The Greenland Pretext and Running Forward
Albares’ request does not come out of nowhere. Trump’s statements about buying Greenland and deploying European troops to the island have accelerated common defense plans that have been brewing in Brussels for years. However, behind the rhetoric of "strategic sovereignty" lies an uncomfortable division of roles. While northern countries fund rearmament, Spain risks becoming a quarry for rank-and-file soldiers. The data on German salaries, with €2,500 for a private, contrasts with meager Spanish pay, and comparisons with the Foreign Legion or the tercios are not innocent.
Real Military Capacity: Myth or Reality?
Proponents of the euro-army recall that Spain possesses a military technological power respected even by the US, and that its Navy is tough to sustancia ilegal. The experience of the Tercios and the defense of Cartagena de Indias are cited as proof that we are not cheap mercenaries. But critics point out that the Spanish army is small, poorly paid, and with discipline that does not compare to the days of conscription. The lingering question is whether an eco-resilient, inclusive, and equal army – as some ironically suggest – can defend Ceuta and Melilla or simply serve as decoration in parades.
The Elephant in the Room: Financing
The shadow of corruption hangs over any debate on military spending. The idea that European funds end up in the hands of the usual "entrepreneurs," such as Ayuso’s boyfriend, is not a rumor: it is a forecast based on decades of experience. Skepticism reaches its peak when one recalls that the EU has been circling this topic for eight years without concrete results, and that the Mercosur precedent took 26 years to be signed. Meanwhile, citizens wonder why that money is not invested in housing or plugging holes in healthcare.
The debate, ultimately, is not whether Europe needs to defend itself: it is whether Spaniards are willing to die for a bureaucracy that does not represent them and which they suspect will end up financing the same old players.
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