Junts demands Feijóo meet Puigdemont abroad for no-confidence vote

Junts demands foreign meeting with Feijóo to trigger no-confidence motion

Junts is open to negotiating a no-confidence motion against Pedro Sánchez's government if Alberto Núñez Feijóo meets Carles Puigdemont abroad. This condition, reported by El Mundo, turns a parliamentary maneuver into an image battle: the pro-independence party seeks not a policy agreement, but a photograph. Not in Madrid. Outside Spain.

The proposal arrives when the PP needs every possible vote to topple the executive and Junts must prove it remains decisive in Congress. Reactions were swift: from accusations of insanity to cold calculations about who pays the political cost of sitting with a fugitive from justice.

What exactly Junts demands and why it matters

The pro-independence group has not offered an alternative government program. It set a formal condition: that Feijóo travel abroad to meet Puigdemont. This means accepting the symbolic framework Junts has built for years: negotiation between equals outside Spain. For the PP, accepting this photo means accepting that framework.

The move makes internal sense for Junts. If the PP wants the no-confidence motion, it must pay a price. That price is neither budgetary nor legislative; it is recognition. The operation mirrors what Sánchez already paid, whose electoral cost across Spain was considerable, according to circulating analyses.

Feijóo does not have infinite margin. The former sole candidate at the last party congress now faces a legislature where each misstep costs votes. Some argue another error would precipitate an internal majority willing to demand his head and install Isabel Díaz Ayuso as an alternative. Others believe Feijóo will do nothing to harm Sánchez, because his real function is different.

The calculation of the seven votes

Junts' seven seats are the key. Without them, no no-confidence motion is possible; with them, the price rises. Anyone wanting those votes must pay what is demanded, just as Sánchez did. The difference, some analysts ironically note, is that Feijóo won't be charged less for getting Botox.

The PP is divided on strategy. One faction advocates waiting with popcorn for the government to collapse alone, without posing with the 2023 investiture partners. Another argues Feijóo has few opportunities and sending someone—even if not himself—might suffice to test the waters. The name suggested for the mission is Bendodo, though there is no official confirmation.

The underlying problem is that Junts and the PP align on some economic and business issues, but the price Puigdemont demands is trivial. It is full indulgence. And that pill is hard to swallow for a party that has built much of its narrative on criticizing pacts with pro-independence groups.

The trap nobody wants to enter

A recurring analysis suggests: if Feijóo goes to Waterloo, Puigdemont will take the photo, humiliate him, and send him back. He will degrade him and gain nothing in return. For Puigdemont, the best partner is Sánchez: the more strained the government, the easier it is to blackmail. Refusing to go shows certain political skill, even through omission.

The other side is the electoral cost. If Junts hands the government to the PP, it disappears from the map in Catalonia. This is not far-fetched: its electorate does not forgive certain things. The same would happen to other parties supporting the executive. Therefore, the most profitable option for Junts is not toppling Sánchez, but keeping the legislature as an ungovernable pressure cooker.

The paradox is that this strategy also has an expiration date. If the government lasts until 2027, the PP could win elections again with more seats and form a government without depending on anyone. Then the Waterloo photo won't be needed. Until then, each actor plays to wear down the other first.

What those who have negotiated with Puigdemont say

Recent experience does not invite optimism. The last person who met with Puigdemont ended up in Soto del Real prison, as recalled with irony. This is not a legal argument, but a political warning: whoever sits with the former president assumes a risk they cannot control.

In the PP, some believe a no-confidence motion committed to immediate elections would be the cleanest exit. Remove Sánchez and let the people decide. The PNV, which claims it wouldn't even go to the bathroom with Vox, might reconsider if it doesn't have to share a table with the far-right. It is a hypothesis, not a plan.

Meanwhile, the legislature continues. Sánchez will not leave voluntarily or easily, and two summers remain until elections. With some subsidies and a bit of forgetfulness, voters may vote the same way again. It is the most cynical bet and, judging by precedents, the most realistic.