Debate over «Best in Hell», the film linked to the Wagner Group
The film «Best in Hell» (Лучшие в аду), attributed to the Wagner Group and released on digital platforms, has prompted intense analysis of the use of cinema as a tool of cultural assault in the context of the conflict in Ukraine. The film, shot in documentary style with a war-movie aesthetic, shows infantry tactics, coordination with artillery and aviation, and an unusually respectful portrayal of the Ukrainian enemy, which some interpret as a sophisticated propaganda strategy and others as an exercise in tactical realism. The discussion turned to comparisons with the Western film industry, Hollywood's role in building geopolitical narratives, and the perception that Russia may be gaining ground in the cultural sphere.
What is «Best in Hell» and why is it linked to the Wagner Group?
The film, whose original title is «Лучшие в аду» (The Best in Hell), is presented as a production linked to the Wagner Group, although the organization is never explicitly mentioned in the footage. According to the analyses gathered, the film was shot for soldier training purposes and depicts urban combat with a level of tactical detail rarely seen in commercial cinema. Lead actor Alexei Kravchenko, known for his role in «Come and See» (1985), plays a squad leader who explains the maneuvers on the ground. The production is attributed to the creators of «Solntsepyok» (2021), and one of those involved died in the line of duty in September, as noted in the opening credits.
The controversy over its authorship is significant: although the film's title and its release on channels such as «WAGNER Z» suggest a direct link to the paramilitary group, some analyses point out that there are no explicit references to Wagner in the footage, nor patches or flags identifying it. This has led to debate over whether it is a commissioned propaganda work or an independent project later labeled as Wagnerian.
Respect for the enemy as a narrative strategy
One of the most discussed points is the portrayal of the Ukrainian army. Far from the usual caricature in Western war films, the movie shows Ukrainian soldiers as competent, determined and brave. «The enemy is treated very respectfully, their competence, determination and courage are acknowledged», one analysis notes. This narrative choice is interpreted as a way of elevating the stature of the Russian fighter himself: if the enemy is worthy, victory or resistance carries greater merit. Some also point to a possible intention to frame the conflict as a war between Slavic brothers, with details such as the mention of the grandfathers who entered Berlin or the presence of religious icons.
The absence of heavy-handed propaganda and the lack of dehumanization of the adversary have surprised some viewers, who expected a more black-and-white product. «The enemy is not dehumanized; on the contrary, at times I couldn't tell who was who», one participant comments. This ambiguity, however, does not prevent the film from being perceived as a tool of Russian propaganda, albeit with a more subtle approach than previous productions.
Combat tactics and military precision
The film details infantry tactics, coordination with artillery and aviation, and urban assaults. It describes, for example, the capture of a tall building to locate 205 mm shells and direct air strikes, raising questions about why satellites or drones are not used for that task. These technical issues fuel the debate over the film's realism and its possible function as training material.
The movie shows an arms buildup and the use of diverse equipment. One participant claims that Russia has more than 12,000 tanks in service, compared with fewer than 100 operational ones in Spain, plus its own satellite network. These figures are cited to rebut the idea that the Russian army lacks modern equipment. The discussion turned to comparing military capabilities and the perception that Western propaganda underestimates the adversary.
Cultural assault and the battle over the narrative
The debate goes beyond cinema and into cultural geopolitics. It is argued that Russia is using film as part of an influence strategy, while the West has neglected this front. «Russia hitting very hard on the cultural front», the opening message states. The comparison with Hollywood is constant: critics argue that the American industry has built a hostile narrative toward Russia for decades, and that Western audiences have been raised on those clichés.
At the same time, it is acknowledged that the Russian production has limitations. Some call it «a bad copy of Yankee cinema» or note that, although technically competent, it lacks a script that connects emotionally with the viewer. «It needed a script to tie the stories together», one comment points out. The discussion reflects a tension between recognizing the technical quality and suspecting that it is propaganda, even if more sophisticated than usual.
Corruption and double standards
Another axis of the debate is corruption. Russia is accused of having oligarchs who steal on a massive scale while their children stay far from the front, and the response points to corruption in the West: the European Parliament, bribery in the Qatar final, overpriced vaccines. «Your duty is to call out those who govern you», comes the retort. The discussion is framed within a broader critique of the political class and international organizations, with mentions of BlackRock, Vanguard and the World Economic Forum. These references, although unverified in the material, are used to argue that corruption is not exclusive to one side.
Is «Best in Hell» a propaganda film?
Most analyses agree that it is propaganda, but disagree on its nature. For some, it is a work of war propaganda in the style of World War II productions, though without the explicit ideological charge. For others, it is a dramatized documentary made for military training purposes that, because of its realism, transcends that label. The absence of a caricatured enemy and the inclusion of human details (the religious icon, the mention of the grandfathers) suggest an intention to present the conflict as a tragedy between brother peoples, which some consider more dangerous than crude propaganda.
The discussion also addresses its reception: while some see it as a masterpiece of war cinema, others find it unwatchable. «I stopped watching Hollywood films almost a decade ago because I found them unwatchable. This one is also hard for me to sit through», one participant comments. The polarization reflects the difficulty of separating artistic value from the propagandistic context.
The role of the media and disinformation
Western coverage of the conflict is criticized, and the media are accused of spreading a biased narrative. Cases of corruption are mentioned in institutions such as Transparency International, which, according to one comment, receives funding from governments and corporations, which would call its independence into question. These claims are unverified, but they illustrate the distrust of official sources.
The conversation drifts toward the idea that Western audiences are being manipulated by Hollywood and the media, while Russia is using cinema to counter that narrative. «We have been educated by Hollywood, and they have been hammering away at Russia for more than 80 years», it is argued. This perception fuels interest in productions like «Best in Hell», which are seen as a window onto an alternative perspective.
Conclusion: Who is winning the cultural battle?
The film has served as a catalyst for a broader debate about cultural warfare. While some consider it an effective propaganda tool, others see it as a film product with strengths and flaws. What is certain is that it has achieved something unusual: getting people to talk about Russian cinema in the context of a conflict and to discuss its artistic and tactical merits. The question remains open: is Russia gaining ground on the cultural front, or is this a mirage amplified by those seeking alternatives to the dominant narrative?
Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication.
Read the full discussion (83 replies).