Aldama’s former partner notarizes €90,000 cash delivery to PSOE

€90,000 in bags to PSOE headquarters: the corruption ignored by headlines

While front pages and TV news devoted minutes on end to the scandal involving Íñigo Errejón, a former associate of Víctor de Aldama was notarizing in Madrid that he had delivered €90,000 in cash bags to the PSOE headquarters in exchange for a hydrocarbon license. The sworn statement confirmed the veracity of reports published by The Objective on October 10. The contrast is the story: a case of media harassment with alleged sensual components dominates the conversation, while a scheme involving cash payments linked to public licenses goes largely unnoticed.

The Errejón scandal as a smokescreen

For much critical analysis, the temporal coincidence is not accidental. While the Errejón case generated hundreds of responses and headlines, the PSOE scheme barely found space. The notarized declaration by Aldama’s former associate is a verifiable fact, not a rumor: a person signs before a public notary stating they handed over cash at the party’s headquarters. In any other country, this would be front-page news for weeks.

Some argue that the Errejón scandal acts as a perfect smokescreen: a high-emotional-voltage topic that shifts focus away from economic issues. This technique is not new. What is striking is its effectiveness. The Errejón case had all the ingredients to monopolize attention: alleged harassment, resignation, cross-complaints. The cash payment scheme, however, requires reading, cross-referencing data, and understanding hydrocarbon licenses. Less viral, more serious.

Corruption that doesn’t make the evening news

The pattern repeats. Public contracts without publicity, tailored awards to friendly companies, hand-picked promotions published in the Official Gazette (BOE) day after day. None of this opens the evening news. It’s not that it doesn’t exist; it’s that it isn’t reported. Media watched by left-wing voters don’t publish it; those watched by right-wing voters don’t prioritize it. The result is an information gap covered only in specific niches.

The notarized declaration by Aldama’s former associate is the type of evidence that, in a serious judicial system, should trigger immediate proceedings. €90,000 in bags is not a metaphor: it is a concrete figure, with a specific recipient and specific consideration. If this generates no consequences, the message sent is devastating.

Hand-picked promotions and cooling cases

Another open front: the Director-General of the Civil Guard, Mercedes González, a hand-picked appointment by Pedro Sánchez, has chosen Brigadier General David Blanes, head of the operation in the case known as Delcygate, as her right-hand man. It is the first time in democratic history that a senior official directly responsible for a corruption case against the government is promoted by the very government investigating it. The interpretation is inevitable: cases cool down when the investigated control the investigators.

Added to this is the anti-money laundering police chief allegedly deeply corrupt, with the Minister of Interior remaining silent. And the €20 million found in his home, which, according to some versions, were not his own, but rather his residence served as a piggy bank for drug traffickers. The detail, if confirmed, would be textbook.

The DANA and the Valencian information blackout

In parallel, the DANA catastrophe in Valencia adds another layer. Some allege that IP addresses of Valencians are being blocked so that miseries on the ground do not leak out. Chiva, Alfafar, and other towns were isolated, with mayors begging for help and no news from entire housing estates. The coincidence between the information blackout and the magnitude of the disaster fuels all kinds of suspicions.

It is not a verified theory, but the fact that only Burbuja presents access problems for Valencian users while the rest of the internet works normally is, at minimum, conspicuous. Freedom of expression, so often invoked, has these cracks.

What remains when the storm passes?

The Errejón case will pass. Complaints will trinc their judicial course, headlines will change topics, and the conversation will shift. The question is what will remain of the PSOE scheme when the noise subsides. If the notarized declaration does not translate into proceedings, if hand-picked promotions continue, if the media keep looking the other way, the result will be the usual one: nothing peine here.

Meanwhile, the data remains there. €90,000 in bags. €20 million in a house. Promotions for those under investigation. Contracts without publicity. There is no need to debate anything: just read the BOE and cross-reference dates. Corruption is not hidden: it is normalized. How much more needs to come out for it to stop being minor news?