Spain's AROPE rate drops to 26%, but remains fourth in the EU

Spain's AROPE rate falls from 27.8% to 26% in 2022, yet it remains fourth in the EU behind Romania, Bulgaria, and Greece, according to Eurostat.

English · Original discussion in Spanish · Published

Spain's AROPE rate drops to 26%, but remains fourth in the EU
Spain's AROPE rate drops to 26%, but remains fourth in the EU

Spain is the fourth country in the European Union with the highest poverty and social exclusion rate, behind Romania, Bulgaria, and Greece, by three tenths: the rate stood at 26% in 2022, compared to Greece's 26.3%, according to Eurostat data cited in the discussion. The figure also improves, as it was previously 27.8%. This is the uncomfortable detail, for both those expecting a collapse and those boasting of a statistical miracle.

The map is as trinc: Romania leads with 34.4%, Bulgaria holds second place with 32.2%, Greece records 26.3%, and Spain closes the group with 26%. Four countries, four percentages, and an interpretation each adjusts to their narrative.

What exactly does the AROPE rate measure?

The AROPE rate is a relative indicator, and almost no one defines it before using it as a weapon. It is calculated against the normalized median salary of each country: those below 60% of that median are included in the calculation. It does not describe absolute hunger, but distance from the next-door neighbor.

This brings out the nuance in the discussion. Some argue that Spain is not poorer than Portugal or Poland in terms of living standards, but carries an unemployment rate that pushes a portion of the population far below the median. The indicator measures internal inequality as well as misery. And the difference between one and the other is the difference between a diagnosis and a slogan.

The fiscal diagnosis: taxes, contributions, and self-employed fees

The most widespread thesis is fiscal. The argument, condensed: the State exploits producers. It proposes 10% VAT and 10% Income Tax, eliminating employee contributions, abolishing self-employed fees, and cutting aid for those who can work. The summary of this current fits in one line: the problem is not that businesses are bad, but that taxes and rents make them unviable.

There is a longer development of this idea, with money behavior as psychology rather than exact science, which holds that raising taxes, letting housing prices run, and dismantling industry condemns citizens to minimum purchasing power. The full breakdown, line by line, is in the source.

The other half of the argument: public spending and clientelism

Against this reading comes the opposite, and it is no softer. That if taxes fall, how are structures, agencies, and subsidies paid? That the machinery lives by maintaining a portion of the population dependent on aid and another paying for it. The phrase summarizing this stance is that it's not magic, it's your taxes.

In between lies the suspicion shared by several: economic policy pursues votes, not results. And the result, they say, is a poverty that stays inside while those with assets move it outside. Comparisons with Venezuela or "the Cuba of southern Europe" appear several times, always as a warning about destiny and never as verified data.

Unemployment, the indicator no one disputes

There are no two versions here. As one participant notes, Spain leads the EU and OECD in unemployment, and no one in the discussion refutes this data. It is the factor with the most weight in the relative indicator: with one-fifth of the population in exclusion and a labor market that does not absorb, the median stays low and the tail stretches.

The political consequence is repeated in each round: reference media, between subsidies and editorial line, do not report the same as the data. And when a bad figure does not appear in major headlines, part of the public stops believing it when it appears elsewhere.

Emigration: Romania, Germany, and the green card

The practical derivative of the debate is migration. And there the conversation splits. Some warn that Spaniards will emigrate en masse to Germany and the UK, as in the previous crisis. Others relativize the destination: in Romania, prices are already at European levels—a hamburger around 10 euros, a kebab at 7—while salaries hover around 700 euros equivalent. For those who know it, going there to improve does not add up.

The most extreme recommendation read is to jump the entire continent: get a green card, aim for North America, do not stay in Europe. Another current points to Spanish-speaking destinations with demand for technical profiles. Installing fiber and setting up racks, for example, pays well and there is a shortage of willing people, although the work is demanding.

What escapes and what stays

One idea repeats in the conversation. Wealth moves before people. Those with much can, according to this thesis, shift taxation abroad with a corporate structure and continue living here, although other participants recall that remotely administering a foreign-domiciled company from Spain is prohibited by the AEAT. Those with nothing stay, see VAT and Income Tax rise, and support civil servants and pensions. The middle class, who can still, looks at the map and calculates.

The country, meanwhile, gets used to the ranking. The figure improves by three points, and the position does not move. It is debated whether we are third or fourth from the bottom while the real conversation is about something else: how far the distance between the country told in the media and the one seen in the supermarket checkout.

Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication. Read the full discussion (235 replies).

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