Resettling Palestinians in Egypt: The Math Doesn't Add Up

Egypt has 109 million people and Palestinians fewer than five million, but relocation clashes with a fortified border and three wars.

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Resettling Palestinians in Egypt: The Math Doesn't Add Up
Moving 5 million Palestinians to Egypt: The math doesn't add up

Egypt has 109 million inhabitants. The entire Palestinian population is under five million. This pair of figures supports the proposal circulating recently: that Palestinians be relocated en masse to the neighboring country, leaving the territory for Israel. Seen coldly, it looks like a space problem. Seen in detail, it clashes with a fortified fence, several underlying wars, and a precedent already attempted twice that failed.

Those proposing the relocation use a simple argument: Egyptians and Palestinians are culturally very similar, so integration would be easy.

The problem isn't the land, it's the border

Egypt hasn't built just any border. The fence separating its territory from Gaza is, according to debate participants, one of the most severe on the planet; one compares it to Fort Knox. Its function, they argue, is precisely to prevent passage from Gaza. Any mass resettlement plan first hits this physical fact: the country where displaced people supposedly arrive has invested years and money to ensure they don't.

That is the dead end. It's not a square meters issue, it's a who opens the door issue.

Gaza was Egyptian for nearly two decades

And it didn't work as many imagine. After Israel's creation in 1948, Egypt occupied the Gaza Strip and administered it without annexing it. Jordan did the opposite with the West Bank: it directly annexed it. Neither made the inhabitants of those territories full citizens. The Six-Day War in 1967 ended that stage: Egypt lost Gaza and Jordan lost the West Bank. Over the years, both capitals formally renounced claiming them.

Consequence of that abandonment: the Arab population of those territories remained in an administrative limbo and came to be defined by what they lacked, a state of their own. As recalled in the thread, until the Yom Kippur War, there was barely talk of an Israeli-Palestinian conflict; it was the Arab-Israeli conflict. The category is more recent than usually assumed.

The two precedents explaining the Arab refusal

One participant reviews what peine after the Yom Kippur War: part of the Palestinian population moved to Jordan, where a faction tried to destabilize the Hashemite monarchy, and the episode ended with massive expulsions toward Lebanon. Lebanon was then the region's financial and tourist hub, with banking, vacationers, and foreign capital. According to that account, the arrival of the Palestinian leadership left it in ruins.

That double memory explains why no Arab government today wants to be the host. It's not solidarity, it's memory.

How much would it cost to rebuild Gaza and who pays?

The second part of the plan is economic. The argument, from relocation defenders: if Gaza falls into Israeli hands, within a decade it would have Tel Aviv's level. Sounds good. The obstacle is that the Israeli miracle wasn't land, it was an institutional and capital framework that took seventy years to build. And the labor force of a rebuilt enclave would remain, as in any frontier economy, cheap and without full rights.

Meanwhile, on the table are about two million people in the strip, with a destroyed economy and demographics used as a weapon in both directions. Reconstruction is estimated at billions that no one has put on the table.

Did Palestinians vote for Hamas?

It's the most repeated and most debated argument. One current holds that Gaza's population gave massive support to Hamas in the last elections and therefore bears the consequences. The reply is that neither participation nor percentage of total population allow sustaining that reading, and that voting for a government doesn't make each voter responsible for every subsequent act. Exact figures from those elections don't appear in the exchange; what appears is the fight over what they miccionan.

The corridor no one signs

The intermediate proposal remains: that Egypt open a humanitarian corridor for civilians to leave, with eyes actually set on them ending up in Europe. It's the most pragmatic version of the plan and has the least support in the region.

And the core issue remains unresolved: if no one wants to receive them and the territory is in ruins, what exactly is the peaceful part of the plan?

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Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication. Read the full discussion (153 replies).

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