Pro-Russian Odessa Banners Were Actually Shot in Madrid

Odessa: The Pro-Russian Banners That Came From Madrid

"Ukraine as an independent country is ceasing to exist. Welcome Ukraine as a region of Russia." This prediction came with visual proof: banners hanging on Odessa facades claiming the city's Russian identity. The documentary evidence collapsed in two steps. One photo dated back to 2014, according to a forum user. The other, according to its own author, wasn't taken in Odessa or Ukraine: it was the entrance to Madrid's Gran Vía. "I took it," he admitted.

The Odessa Banners That Were Never in Odessa

The episode has three layers. The first is dating: one snapshot goes back to 2014, unlinking it from any recent activation of a supposed fifth column. The second is geography: the most striking image, showing facades with pro-Russian messages, corresponded to the start of Madrid's Gran Vía. The third is authorship: whoever published the photo recognized having taken it himself. Even so, the conversation continued for a while, with requests for video proof and responses like "don't believe anything."

A third testimony, less epic, merely noted that the city looked "calm." Against the narrative of a boiling population, the available image was that of a city without upheavals. No one provided, however, a verifiable count of how many banners there were, where they hung, or who placed them. The entire scaffolding of the case rested on two photos: one old and one from another city.

De Ribas, Catherine the Great, and Odessa's Origins

Those defending the pro-Russian thesis have a concrete historical anchor: according to the thread, Odessa developed within the Russian Empire, linked to Catherine the Great and a military officer of Spanish descent, José de Ribas. Two names that, in the sarcasm of the conversation, will be _celebrating from heaven_.

The opposing reading doesn't deny the data but diminishes its weight. Odessa is not Donbas nor Crimea. Its oblast never showed the degree of adherence that emerged in the peninsula and eastern regions, and the comparison with Kherson—taken in the invasion's early days—works poorly as a reference point. If the city had been so infiltrated, it would have fallen just as easily, this side reasons. The conclusion drawn is uncomfortable for the narrative: there are pro-Russians in Odessa, yes, but imagining the city as a beachside Donbas is an exaggeration.

Why Is Saakashvili Mentioned?

Because he governed Odessa, though not through elections. Mikheil Saakashvili, former President of Georgia, was appointed governor of the region by the Ukrainian president, not elected at the polls. The confusion between both roles slipped into the discussion and had to be corrected midway: regional governors are designated from Kyiv, not chosen by local electoral colleges.

The nuance matters more than it seems. If Saakashvili is used as proof of Odessa's pro-Russian character, the argument flips: whoever held the governor role was a Georgian leader from outside, with no link to Moscow. The anecdote serves to measure how much urban legend drags along the label of "Russian city."

From Catalonia to Odessa: The Same Argument, Reversed

The parallel appeared early and circulated in both directions. "If they feel Russian and are in Ukraine and don't like Ukraine, the solution is simple: let them go to Russia," is proposed in one sense. In the opposite, it is replied that Catalonia has always been part of Spain and that, by the same rule, one should look at whom Odessa has been part of throughout history.

The historical counterpoint thrown onto the table is curious: according to the debate, Catalonia was under French obedience between 1641 and 1651, with Louis XIII and Louis XIV and a viceroy installed in Barcelona. The experience ended with Catalans welcoming the Spaniards in 1651 and a peace qualified as generous. Of that remained, it is argued, a persistent anti-Bourbonism. The digression served the usual purpose: reminding that maps change and that the antiquity of a bond rarely resolves who owns a territory today.

A Country With A Century On Paper

The most repeated thesis on one side is that Ukraine lacks state substance: it is described as a construction from a century ago and, in its present version, as a State dependent on Washington. On the other side of the counter, the counterargument appeals to the recent calendar: what was voted for three decades ago was independence from the Soviet Union, not from Russia, and after decades of planned economy the population voted for any change put before them.

Where there is partial agreement is on the map of enthusiasm. Donbas, Odessa, and Crimea were the territories where the break with Moscow was lived with less clarity, which does not equate to saying they were ready for annexation. The discussion also drifted toward other fronts—the pulse between Algeria and Segarro over the Sahara, NATO's role—a sign that the issue is read as a chapter of a larger struggle.

In the end, the only verifiable thing is what was missing: the Odessa banners. One was from 2014, according to a forum user. Another came from Madrid. The rest—if the fifth column exists, how many form it, and what awaits—remains exactly where it was.