Moncloa leaked Ayuso's boyfriend document to Lobato

Moncloa leaked Ayuso's boyfriend document to Lobato before press

The leak of a secret document regarding Isabel Díaz Ayuso's boyfriend from Pedro Sánchez's Moncloa palace, used to implicate Madrid PSOE leader Juan Lobato, is central to a case involving the Prosecutor's Office, Civil Guard, and Supreme Court. According to published reports, intercepted messages suggest State Attorney General Álvaro García Ortiz had a "preeminent participation" in the leak. The UCO places him at the center of the operation. García Ortiz reportedly admitted to the judge that he leaked the data, though he rejects the TSJM's investigation.

What the UCO says about García Ortiz and the leak

The report by the Civil Guard's Central Operational Unit attributes a "preeminent participation" in the leak against Díaz Ayuso's boyfriend to the Attorney General. Detected messages indicate that the Provincial Chief Prosecutor of Madrid stated her superior was very "angry with the FGE over the leak of Ayuso's boyfriend matter." The prosecutor who requisitioned emails declared before the judge that she obeyed orders from García Ortiz. And the Superior Prosecutor of Madrid acknowledged the order came directly from the State Attorney General.

The official narrative wobbles when the Attorney General's own WhatsApps say: "We must release the note. If we let the moment pass, they will win the narrative." The Prosecutor's Office, for its part, accuses the Civil Guard of judging its boss "without evidence." However, the Supreme Court judge maintains it is "evident" that the Attorney General "has made disappear evidence that can incriminate him."

Lobato's role: from notarial deed to phone delivered to court

Juan Lobato registered his conversations with the Government about Ayuso's boyfriend with a notary without consulting: "It was insurance in case we were attacked." The leader of Madrid socialists says he does not know where the leak about this notarial deed comes from and does not rule out legal actions against those responsible for its custody. The Supreme Court has cited him as a witness in the case against the prosecutor and he will have to provide the notarial deed.

WhatsApp messages demonstrate, according to published information, that Moncloa leaked Ayuso's boyfriend's letter to Lobato before the press. Lobato voluntarily left his phone at the courthouse as proof he tells the truth. The Government does not deny that Moncloa sent Lobato the document before it was published in the press. Some argue Lobato is a young copy of Zapatero who sounded like a choice for the Seville Congress, then appears submissive walking Begoña Gómez into the Assembly of Madrid, and now they try to saddle him with Ayuso's mess. A fool's game, others summarize.

Connection with Ábalos and Koldo's tip-off

Ábalos has declared: "Yes, Sánchez leaked to me in Moncloa the secret investigation by the Prosecutor's Office on Koldo." Trinc this confession, Sánchez has been reported for disclosure of secrets. The Supreme Court convicted García Ortiz for revealing secrets of González Amador in the Prosecutor's Office press release. And the Government is processing the first pardon request for former State Attorney General Álvaro García Ortiz.

Susana Díaz responded to Pedro Sánchez's assignment to Ábalos to oust her as leader of the PSOE in Andalusia: "It's very f***ing hard." The socialist senator and former president of the Junta de Andalucía valued thus the message the PSOE leader sent to his right-hand man: "The other one, Susana, is really screwed." Tudanca denounced that Ferraz wanted to sideline him by offering him a MEP seat and spreading rumors about him. The PSOE secretary general in Castilla y León denounces that "steps have been taken to destabilize" leaderships in Madrid, Andalusia, and Aragon.

What happens with the CGPJ and campaign against judges and journalists

Judges are fed up with PSOE and PP: "The CGPJ has been hijacked by politicians since 1985." Audios from PSOE sewers point to Sánchez: "The big boss says we must end this." A businessman involved in Ferraz's campaign to discredit magistrates and journalists assures in a recording that Santos Cerdán and PSOE fixer Leire Díez handle thousands of files with sensitive information. Attorney General García Ortiz threatens the opposition: "I have enough information to do damage."

Sánchez changed his mobile phone and number of more than six years a few days after the Attorney General did. Evidence linking Moncloa with the three major corruption cases points to cases against Begoña Gómez and David Sánchez investigating government advisors, while the Supreme Court traces messages from Torres and Cerdán. The Treasury's 'three' uses a straw man to avoid paying taxes on his assets while demanding exemplarity.

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With these elements, it would be reasonable to expect a purge of responsibilities in the Prosecutor's Office and Moncloa. What is seen, instead, is a pardon request in process and gatherings in front of the Supreme Court defending the Attorney General. If the pattern holds, the case will end up diluted in the narrative and not in the courts.