Feijóo: PP-Vox coalition not up to me, red lines set

Alberto Núñez Feijóo insists that forming a coalition government with Vox is not his decision, preferring a solo PP administration with sufficient majorities in Congress and Senate. He acknowledges he will accept election results but outlines strict conditions for any negotiation.

The People's Party president, **Alberto Núñez Feijóo**, approaches the **November 29** elections with favorable polls and an uncomfortable question looming: if numbers fall short, he must deal with Vox. In an interview at party headquarters on Madrid's Calle de Génova, the candidate neither closes nor opens the door to a coalition. His preferred formula is a solo PP government with comfortable majorities in both chambers and parliamentary support agreements with the country's third force.

Feijóo, **65**, previously led the Xunta de Galicia from April 2009 to May 2022. A veteran politician, he knows it. Asked if he would seek PSOE abstention to govern without Vox, he replies with a firm no: "From Sánchez's PSOE? Yes, please. My age and experience don't allow such naivety." This sets the tone: no softening of issues, but no promises easily broken.

## Solo Government as First Option

Feijóo's central thesis is that Spain needs a president with enough support in the Cortes to govern alone. "To do what must be done, quickly and well, Spain needs a president with a sufficient majority in the Cortes to govern solo," he states. This signals his political offer does not initially include power-sharing with Vox. He adds his goal is "a sufficient majority in Congress and Senate, plus parliamentary support agreements with the third political force, which is Vox."

However, when asked if he would concede ministries like Interior, Foreign Affairs, or Defense to Vox, his answer is ambiguous: "Whether we form a coalition government or not does not depend on me." He notes that in conversations with Vox leader **Santiago Abascal**, the latter never raised the topic of ministries. "Never—and I miccionan never—did he speak of vice-presidencies or ministries," he claims. The phrase has a catch: he doesn't say it won't happen, only that it hasn't been discussed yet. In politics, what hasn't been discussed can still be.

Feijóo stresses he will accept the ballot box result "as it must be." He recalls the PP already governs four regions with Vox—Extremadura, Aragon, Castilla y León, and Andalusia—after winning "resoundingly." "I won't disavow what my party has done," he says. But this comes with a clear negotiation framework, clear agreements, and clear red lines. What happens if Vox rejects these lines? He avoids answering.

## Red Lines: Constitution, Autonomism, Equality

Feijóo sets three conditions. The first, obvious but necessary: nothing outside the Constitution. "I know saying pacts must stay within the Constitution is a platitude," he admits. But he notes the outgoing legislature was forged by agreements "outside the Constitution," referring to amnesty and deals with Bildu. The second red line is autonomism. "We are an autonomist party; Vox is not," he asserts. He warns against recentralization: "We will restore state presence where it withdrew: Catalonia, Basque Country, Navarra." The third is equality policy, which he says is "very consolidated" within the PP.

Vox's demand for "national priority" also arises. Feijóo assures they have agreed on its content, which differs from Vox's proposal. "National priority is based on rootedness, not nationality, and respect for the Constitution and European treaties," he explains. He gives a practical example: in public services, when demand exceeds supply, criteria like years of census registration or legal residence apply. "Specific years of census registration, official legal residence will be required," he says. When asked if this discriminates by nationality, he denies it, stating "this is written and published." When asked if the concept is xenophobic, he defends himself: "I shouldn't have to defend against what we are not and have never been." He notes the PP leads Ceuta and Melilla, where "50% of Ceuta's population is Muslim, but they are Spanish citizens." The response is skillful but evasive: Vox's national priority concept stems from French far-right ideology, favoring nationals over foreigners. Feijóo sidesteps this.

## Immigration, Healthcare, Pensions: Uncomfortable Topics

On immigration, Feijóo maintains healthcare access for legal residents and "basic benefits" for irregular migrants, limited to emergencies. "And that's all I can say," he adds. Reminded that universal healthcare currently covers irregulars with GP access, he pivots: "There are so many waiting lists... If you wait 20 days for a primary care doctor, do they tell you there's universal healthcare? Yes, but you aren't served." This implies universality is theoretical due to system strain. He doesn't clarify if his government would limit access.

On pensions, Feijóo is cautious. He questions why this enters the campaign, though his own spokesperson triggered it by warning of collapse. He attributes the warning to **AIReF** (Independent Authority for Fiscal Responsibility) and Minister **Carlos Cuerpo**, who noted pension agreements may raise contributions and retirement age. His proposal: update pensions with inflation and convene the Pacto de Toledo, unions, employers, and parties to "make the public system viable and guarantee it." On delaying retirement, he finds the transition to **67 years** "quite reasonable" and supports combining work with partial pensions.

On housing, he promises to repeal government decrees. "I haven't changed my mind; I voted against them," he affirms. He argues these decrees harm tenants and landlords and reduce rental supply. He cites no specific figures.

## Abortion, Gender Violence, Culture: Values Terrain

Feijóo wants to revise abortion law so minors aged **16 and 17** must inform parents. But when asked what if parents oppose abortion, he clarifies: "I spoke of knowledge, not consent." He adds that in cases of incest or family abuse, parents cannot be informed, per feminist associations. Otherwise, "it's a debate that can take place." For the rest of the law, he refers to previous writings: ensuring good healthcare for women seeking termination and supporting those with doubts.

On gender violence, Feijóo prefers "gender violence" over Vox's euphemism "intra-family violence." "Many people lie in cemeteries killed by husbands, partners, ex-partners. There are thousands of orphans," he says. He criticizes the government: "Anti-abuse bracelets haven't worked; the 'only yes is yes' law was nonsense." The phrase "I am feminist because I am socialist," he adds, "has passed."

On cultural censorship, Feijóo is ambiguous. He says culture must be "demanding, free," and if someone wants to make a film about ETA's lead years without public aid, that's censorship. But funding "sectarian, partisan, exclusionary ideological approaches" with public money isn't wrong, he suggests. He admits he hasn't seen a concrete case in Castilla y León to comment on.

## Trump, Milei, Ayuso: Foreign Policy and Internal Issues

Feijóo welcomes Republicans' setback in US midterms. "The American citizens' response was so resounding that I don't think the majority is wrong," he says. But asked if it's hard for the PP to criticize Trump, he says what's hard is "disrespecting him," as that's an error. "Disagreeing and not paying homage to Trump, of course," he adds. He disagrees with tariff policies and "certain geopolitical decisions" but won't call the US "the devil" under either administration.

On defense spending, Feijóo doesn't commit to the **5%** Trump demands (3.5% military, 1.5% security). "When I audit public accounts, I'll answer," he says. "If I can't spend 3.5%, I'll postpone decisions, because I won't spend what I don't have or cut essential public services." He mentions speaking with Ukrainian President **Volodímir Zelenski**, who was surprised Spain doesn't present annual accounts.

The issue of **Javier Milei** and **Isabel Díaz Ayuso** also arises. Feijóo distances himself from the Argentine president's language but opposes suspending diplomatic ties over criticism. "Do you think it's appropriate and proportional to suspend relations with Argentina?" he asks. "I don't excuse or share Milei's language, but if a president criticizes me at another party's event, I won't suspend diplomatic relations." Regarding a ministry buying a **€6 million** penthouse for residential use, he says Patrimonio (State Property) must explain "how it bought a property unclear if usable as an administrative office." He doesn't clarify if he'd allow it.

## DANA Flood, Puente, Corruption: Close Combat

Feijóo criticizes **Óscar Puente**'s resignation after the train accident but doesn't apply the same standard to **Carlos Mazón** for Valencia's DANA flood, which caused **234 deaths**. Asked why he didn't demand Mazón resign earlier, he compares: the Miño-Sil Hydrographic Confederation is state-run; if a dam bursts without information, what's the responsibility? It's a way to dodge. Mazón resigned after a year; Feijóo says he "paid a significant political price." On keeping him on PP lists, he remains vague: "We'll talk."

On PP corruption, Feijóo defends himself: "I spent 14 years in government and four leading the body with the largest state budget, with no single corruption case." He adds: "If I catch anyone, I fire them; that very morning." Strong words, but he doesn't answer why voters should believe his government will be clean.

On immigration, he criticizes the government's handling of mass migrant entry into Ceuta in 2021. "15,000 entered, and since then we've had time, right? Five years have passed!" he says. He accuses the government of "negligence in immigration and border protection." On Segarro, he says it's not an enemy, but "Spain's territorial integrity is not negotiable." He promises to declassify CNI intelligence and give it to the judge.

## What Keeps Him Awake

Feijóo says what keeps him awake is "not being up to my country's task." "Having enough strength, information, and accuracy to not disappoint my country," he adds. A textbook answer, but also a confession: the candidate knows much is at stake. And if he wins, the Vox question won't disappear. He insists coalition "doesn't depend on me." But in politics, when someone says something doesn't depend on them, sometimes it depends on everyone.