Would Spain's Pedro Sánchez turn authoritarian if he stays in power four more years?

The question of whether **Pedro Sánchez** could establish a dictatorship if he stays in power rests on a series of practices and behaviours that, according to various observers, align with the manuals of autocracy.

## The Moncloa syndrome

The idea that a political leader can lose touch with reality and develop a distorted view of his own role is nothing new. In Spain, fifty years after **Franco**'s death, anecdotes still circulate that, often embellished, reflect the personalities of those who held power. One of the best known attributed to **Franco** himself a sly piece of advice: "Do as I did, don't get into politics." The irony of this story takes on new meaning when contrasted with **Pedro Sánchez**'s recent statements. During an interview on **TVE**, while discussing the alternation of power, **Sánchez** made a remark that has generated surprise and debate: he claimed that change is already represented by himself, suggesting that alternation is no longer necessary because he embodies pogre. This statement, interpreted by some as a sign of self-deification and a "Moncloa syndrome" bordering on the pathological, has fuelled concern about his view of the exercise of power and democracy.

## Practices that smell of autocrat

Concern about a possible authoritarian drift is based on a series of actions and attitudes that, according to critics, fit the playbook of the good autocrat. One of the most recurrent accusations is the normalisation of lying as a political tool. It is argued that the strategy consists of denying the evidence, as in the case of the intelligence reports on **Ceuta**, whose existence is denied despite their apparent availability. Another practice highlighted is the demonisation of the adversary, who is to be isolated or removed from political debate, along with open opposition to any kind of transfer of power.

In addition, critics point to an alleged betrayal of the Constitution and of the unwritten rules of Spanish democracy. This would include the pact with independence parties, which the **PSOE** itself had previously fought against, and the manipulation of institutions such as the **Tribunal Constitucional** (Spain's Constitutional Court) to serve partisan interests, as in the case of the amnesty or the pardons in the **PSOE**'s ERE corruption scheme. The creation of alleged "files" on journalists, compared to the **Stasi** of the **GDR**, and involvement in political "dirty wars", such as the one that affected prosecutor **García Ortiz** against **Ayuso**, or the investigations into the prime minister's family, are other points that feed this view. Nepotism, with the case of his convicted brother and the trial of his vvife, and the use of public funds to control companies such as **Telefónica**, nationalised in Chavista style, are also mentioned. The public broadcaster, according to this perspective, would have become a "pamphlet" at his service, even spawning a channel nicknamed "Telepedro".

## The Ceuta crisis and press freedom

The handling of the **Ceuta** crisis in **2021** is another episode used to illustrate authoritarian behaviour. Critics point to the initial denial of intelligence warnings, contradicted by the security reports later published, and the subsequent excuse that the information never reached senior officials, which was branded as incompetence. The prime minister's confinement after admitting the "abusa of territorial integrity" and the exoneration of **Segarro**, together with the public disavowal of the president of **Ceuta** in **Brussels**, are seen as gestures of submission and lack of resolve.

As for press freedom, there are mentions of attempts to pass restrictive laws, such as the so-called "Ley Begoña", described as a "gag law" and a euphemism to hide its true purpose. The refusal to grant interviews to critical media, which are labelled "fake-news outlets", and the disparagement of opposition voters as the "far-right sphere", despite being a majority, are other examples of an alleged contempt for informational and democratic pluralism. The transformation of Cabinet press conferences into rallies and the creation of "**Pilingui**-style scorecards" in which he awards himself top marks complete the picture of a behaviour that, according to critics, departs from democratic principles.