VOX loses 39 votes in Cantabria as right-wing seeks blame

VOX loses 39 votes in Cantabria as right-wing seeks blame

In Cantabria, VOX retained its seat with 48,788 votes, just 39 fewer than the previous count. The PP gained 61,354 more votes in the same constituency, reaching 42.09%; PSOE added 39,526 to hit 33.33%, while Sumar scraped up 894. One party remained nearly identical while others surged. This contrast fuels the post-election debate, targeting Michavila and Bustos, with a recurring accusation: the right sank itself by trying to sink VOX.

What do the scrutiny numbers say?

Data cited by those debating the result often conflicts. Some claim PP got over a million more votes than PSOE; others note Sánchez gained a million more votes than in previous general elections. Both can be true, yet neither comforts those expecting a comfortable majority. In this gap, an unsubstantiated fraud allegation has grown, functioning as an excuse through repetition.

VOX is attributed a drop near 40% of its seats and a transfer of half a million votes to PP. This magnitude turns a mediocre night into a survival crisis, triggering a hunt for culprits. Without it, there is no narrative.

Michavila, Bustos, and PP media outlets

Criticism targets commentators and media that placed VOX below smaller parties during the campaign. Michavila is the most cited case: his forecast of a large PP lead over PSOE allegedly demobilized right-wing voters and backfired after the count. The tone used to dismiss him—applause included—reflects accumulated anger.

Bustos receives similar treatment, seen as a PP-aligned voice attacking VOX. Note that this involves no judicial charges: it is a reckoning over influence, not a legal indictment.

Arguments blaming external factors

The common defense claims VOX competed against all media, including supposedly friendly ones, receiving less TV time than Sumar. It adds that PP closed doors: no direct debates and no presence on high-rating shows. Also, the "Txapote vote" campaign mobilized opponents rather than supporters.

An opposing view blames internal issues: infighting excluding popular figures, support for Zelensky, Steegman's presence, or wear from bullfighting and anti-vaccine agendas failing to mobilize traditional voters. Detailed Cantabria results show a pattern hidden by national headlines.

Friendly fire within the party

Discussion focuses on leadership. Buxadé is accused of removing profiles connecting with average voters and carrying an ideological label repelling center-right electorates. Defenders cite his public stance: rejecting Agenda 2030, defending private property, and supporting farmers. Hard to fit into the caricature.

Additionally, suspicions of infiltrators in communication teams persist—a theory without proof based on speech similarities, never applied to their own results.

Missing self-criticism

Analysis agrees on one uncomfortable point: if losing 40% of seats leads to blaming others, the next failure is assured. Podemos is cited, vanished after years blaming press, PSOE, and allies. Changing heads is hard; pointing fingers is easy.

Meanwhile, PP celebrates victory but parliamentary math forces negotiation. Winning less than promised means losing something too.

Is the count final?

No. Overseas votes remain unallocated, with predictions suggesting PSOE gains two seats and PP one, taken from Abascal’s party. Conclusions on collapse or recovery before this count are tentative.

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Here is the disorienting data: in Cantabria, the party deemed finished lost only 39 votes. Thirty-nine. On the same ballot, PP gained 61,354. Something doesn't add up between the disaster narrative and the scrutiny.