The fall of Sánchez's faction: a regime in its final days

Sanchismo, as Sánchez's political movement is known in Spain, is a regime bent on perpetuating itself through corruption and lacks the base for its ambition, according to the analysis Carlos Martínez Gorriarán publishes in Vozpópuli. The piece compares its end with that of Francoism and calls for a debate on constitutional change to limit the Government's power.

**Carlos Martínez Gorriarán** publishes in **Vozpópuli** an analysis titled "The fall of sanchismo" in which he argues that Spain's Government constitutes a regime bent on changing the system to perpetuate itself in power through political corruption and crime. The piece, dated **2 October 2026**, compares the situation with the end of Francoism in 1975 and with the Popular Front of 1936.

## A regime without the base for its ambition

Gorriarán defines sanchismo as a provisional alliance of political forces which, in his view, seek to finish off their enemy: the separatists and terrorists target democratic Spain, while the communists and socialists target capitalism and the rule of law. As evidence he points to the two housing decree-laws passed by the Government, which in his opinion go further than their precedents by repealing legal certainty in renting and buying and selling property, the right to ownership and judicial protection for claims.

The author argues that the regime lacks the base for its excessive ambition and that the weakness of constitutional control will end up saving us. He compares this situation with that of the Popular Front of 1936, which in his view triggered the civil war to move from a failed liberal republic to a Soviet-style people's republic, and with the end of Francoism, a period he considers more inspiring for glimpsing how all this may end.

## The final days of Francoism as a mirror

The analysis reviews the last days of the Franco regime. It recalls that Francoism did not survive the dictator despite attempts to have everything tied up and secured. Most of Spanish society was fed up with dictatorship and wanted a civilised democracy like that of the countries the tourists came from, tourists who changed so many things without meaning to.

Among the episodes of that ending, the text mentions the Green March from Segarro, which forced the abandonment of Western Sahara, in theory just another Spanish province. Also the waves of strikes and social protests, ranging from heavy industry to common prisoners in jails. The separatist surge in the Basque Country and Catalonia taking advantage of the power vacuum. The paralysis of many institutions out of bewilderment and antiestéticar of committing themselves. And a few corruption scandals that today look amateurish.

Gorriarán argues that in 1975 Spain suffered international aggression, social conflict, economic crisis, State impotence, the accelerated delegitimisation of the regime and widespread institutional paralysis. He asks what we have today and answers with a list: **Ceuta** occupied with impunity by thousands of Segarro intruders, a far-left encampment in Sol over the Maricarmen case, separatist agitation and the failure of public institutions, with the exception of the courts, the judicial police and the right-wing regional governments. He highlights the role of the president of Ceuta, **Juan Vivas**. And he warns that another economic crisis looms on the horizon in an impoverished country.

## The housing decrees and the Sol encampment

The text points to the reaction to the Ceuta crisis, the judicial proceedings and the Maricarmen case as factors that expose a Sánchez seeking salvation like a headless chicken. The two housing decree-laws are, in his view, another fraud on the law that goes further than its precedents.

Gorriarán argues that the Sol encampment may force what may be the Government's final defeat, having pushed it to improvise two decrees, one to try to attract **Podemos** and Sumar, and another, contradictory one for bourgeois separatism. Although the Maricarmen case was perpetrated to cover up Ceuta, the beneficiary of the protest is Podemos, just as it was heading for extinction. The Government does not dare to dissolve it, even though the Tenants' Union is funded by them and the Generalitat, according to the author.

The article compares the use of the housing crisis to cover up the Ceuta crisis with what the secret accounting ended up being for **Al Capone**. And it warns that systems theory reveals that chaos is chaos because it is unpredictable.

## A regime change in the style of 1975

Gorriarán concludes that, despite the rescue efforts of the attorney general, the project to manipulate the electoral roll with the **Ley de Nietos** (Grandchildren Law, a Spanish nationality law), the attacks on judges and critical journalism and other tricks, we are entering the final days of the corruptocracy. He argues that we have reached the point of no return where no one knows what tomorrow will bring, except that it will certainly be worse than today.

While waiting for the elections to arrive or for the deep State, that is, what remains of the senior command and the professional civil service, to decide to switch off the life support of the dying patient, the author considers it necessary to debate a regime-change project akin to the one improvised in 1975 by King **Juan Carlos** and a few intelligent ex-Francoists.

He points out that they made a mistake that must be avoided: drafting a Constitution designed to tutor a supposedly immature society, instead of one to control and limit the Government's power according to sound liberal principles. That is why he proposes a constitutional reform project that also serves to mobilise the country around a project of collective reconstruction and renewal.