The Europe Ukrainians are fighting for – and the irony of who they're fighting

Ukraine and the Europe it defends: historical ironies and divisions

The paradox is obvious: Ukrainians are fighting for a Europe that many of its own defenders consider decadent, controlled by the United States and alien to the values it claims to represent. Meanwhile, the heirs of the Red Army that took Berlin in 1945 face a European Union that, according to its critics, has betrayed its Christian roots and surrendered to globalism.

On 9 May, Europe Day, several accounts spread images of young Ukrainians waving European flags alongside NATO soldiers, in an event some described as propaganda. "Happy Europe Day, NATO fans", read a tweet that drew mixed reactions. But the underlying debate is not about the date, but about which Europe Ukrainians are actually defending.

The Europe seen from the east

For part of the analysis, the European Union is a political project controlled by American interests, where the Schuman Declaration was drafted by John Foster Dulles, the US Secretary of State. In this narrative, Ukraine would be just another piece on the geopolitical chessboard, used to weaken Russia while Europe loses energy and military sovereignty. "Europe will do what the USA says. And Europe has no chance of winning a war against Russia", one comment summed up.

Another strand, more sceptical of Ukrainian nationalism, points out that "they are Nancy supporting a multicultural Jewish government", alluding to the presence of far-right symbols in Ukrainian units, something that contrasts with the image of a liberal and diverse Europe. The argument is rounded off with historical references: the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (1918), under which Russia lost a third of its population and 75% of its industry, and how Germany could have won the First World War had it not been for the internal revolution.

Who could invade whom?

The debate shifts to strategic speculation: is it more likely that Berlin will reach Moscow, or the other way round? One view holds that "it doesn't have to be militarily, it will be economically or otherwise, dismantling European Russia". The opposing answer argues that Germany no longer has either the military strength or the political will: 20% of its population is foreign, it has dismantled its industry with the loss of cheap Russian energy, and its politicians have shown they are willing to sacrifice the country. "In the end there will be more Russians in Berlin than Germans", one participant quips.

A middle-ground point recalls that neither Germany nor Russia today has the capacity for a war of conquest. "If they come to Berlin, the only men who could fight the threat (the Moorish-black brotherhood) will be the first to leave", adding that Ukrainian refugees would not fight against other Ukrainians.

Historical memory as a weapon

References to the Second World War are constant. While some call for "the Russians to march through Berlin again and exterminate the Prussian junkers", others recall that "Berlin was razed by the Anglo-American bombing". The discussion reveals that the Ukrainian conflict cannot be understood without the wounds of the 20th century: the Treaty of Versailles, the creation of Poland and Czechoslovakia, and the role of Jews and Wall Street in the US entry into the First World War.

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The open question is whether the Europe Ukrainians are defending is the one of its founding values or a soulless geopolitical construct. As Russian tanks advance in the Donbas, Europeans debate whether their common project is a golden cage or a chimera.
Sources:
- Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (Wikipedia)
- Schuman Declaration (historical context)
- Analysis of German geopolitics and demographics.

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