Economic nostalgia for Francoism reopens the political divide
While a single salary once covered a home and holidays, today two incomes aren't enough. This nostalgia, common in the rhetoric of those who denounce the left's intolerance, reveals a rift that goes far beyond economics: it is the foundation of a polarization that blocks any dialogue. The memory of a past when far more social housing was built without VAT clashes with today's reality of a precarious labor market and soaring cost of living. But the economy is not the only battleground.
The data behind the nostalgia: housing and wages
The claim that under Franco a single salary was enough to own a home and a beach apartment has become a recurring mantra. Although aggregate figures on subsidized housing during the Franco era are hard to verify, the argument reflects a widespread perception of lost purchasing power. While some argue that today's left has failed to replicate that model, others reply that the comparison is invalid given the authoritarian context and the absence of freedoms. The issue is no small matter: polarization prevents a calm analysis of the housing policies that are actually needed.
The history of political violence
The debate over intolerance feeds on historical episodes. It is often recalled that five Spanish prime ministers were assassinated by left-wing hands in a single century: Juan Prim (1870), Antonio Cánovas del Castillo (1897), José Canalejas (1912), Eduardo Dato (1921) and Luis Carrero Blanco (1973). This fact, used to argue that the left has never respected its opponents, is countered with mentions of coup attempts staged by the right. The argument grows bitter, and each side cherry-picks the facts that best fit its narrative.
Natural law as a breaking-point argument
Some participants justify their lack of respect for the left by invoking the negative natural right to life: they argue that communist ideology, by demanding other people's resources, abusa that right and therefore deserves no respect. This position, drawing on philosophers like Schopenhauer, clashes head-on with the defense of democratic dialogue. Economics takes a back seat when the debate turns into a dispute over exclusive sarracena principles.
The cost of polarization
As ideological confrontation intensifies, the real economy suffers: the need for agreements on housing, employment or taxation is subordinated to mutual distrust. The 28 seats the left has managed to win in Andalusia are seen by some as a threat and by others as a democratic triumph. There is no room for pragmatism.
The question that remains is whether the real economy can move forward when much of the public debate is spent blaming the other side for every ill. Until that skepticism also extends to one's own arguments, polarization will remain the biggest drag.
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