Spain drops to 53rd out of 184 in economic freedom index

Spain falls to 53rd out of 184 in economic freedom

Spain is no longer a state that guarantees order on the streets or the economic freedom of those who live there. The claim, which sounds like bar-room ranting, rests on two concrete facts: the country has plummeted to 53rd place out of 184 in the 2026 Index of Economic Freedom, and the Government Delegation in Madrid refuses to clear the Puerta del Sol square, arguing that the right of assembly takes precedence. From there, the diagnosis escalates. From anarcho-tyranny to failed state, everyone picks their own label.

Where does Spain rank in the 2026 Index of Economic Freedom?

In 53rd place out of 184, according to the Heritage Foundation report published by the Instituto de Estudios Económicos and picked up by Libre Mercado. Spain once ranked among the 25 freest economies on the planet; today it carries disadvantages in fiscal health, investment freedom and government integrity. A ranking is a snapshot, not a movie, and snapshots can be debated.

What is not debated is the direction of travel. Some read the figure as a direct consequence of the government's interventionism; on the other side weighs the argument that this kind of index measures regulatory perceptions and penalises fiscal models that other countries sustain without drama. Neither reading on its own explains a drop of that magnitude, and the exact size of the fall is what deserves scrutiny before drawing conclusions.

Why isn't Puerta del Sol cleared?

Because the Government Delegation considers that a right of assembly is at play in the square, one that prevails over the request to clear it from the Madrid City Council and the Regional Government of Madrid. The decision has fuelled the double-standards argument: it is claimed that those gathered at Sol are left alone while other gatherings, such as those at Ferraz, were met with batons. It is also pointed out that in Ceuta the same administration cites legal obstacles to return those who entered irregularly.

The contrast is not only political, it is about consistency. Two cases of occupation of public space, two opposite responses. Those who defend the government reply that no comparison is possible between a political gathering and a migratory flow, and that mixing them is an argumentative trick. The problem is that the trick, if it is one, works electorally.

How much legislative sovereignty does Spain have left?

Less than the parliament suggests. A calculation repeated in the discussion puts at 70% the rules affecting daily life that come from the European Commission. It is an estimate in circulation, not an official statistic, but it serves to frame the discontent: the complaint is not only against Madrid, but against Brussels. The comparison with Hungary appears immediately. If Orbán can push the limits, the balance of power stops being an excuse.

The bill for migrant care: 700 million

A calculation circulated in the discussion puts the cost associated with reception and case processing at almost 700 million euros a year. Another part of the debate argues that this amount is marginal compared to total public spending and that the problem is not the bill but the management. With no official breakdown at hand, the figure works more as a slogan than as accounting, and should be read as such.

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With this material, the anarcho-tyranny label will keep making headlines: it combines two grievances that mobilise votes, perceived disorder and the lack of economic freedom. If the index worsens again and the square remains uncleared, it would be odd for the issue not to end up in election manifestos. Though it is wise not to bet your salary on it: apocalyptic diagnoses have been being announced for decades with no expiry date.