Sánchez loses his status as a reliable partner in Brussels

Sánchez, from European darling to pariah according to his own friendly press

Pedro Sánchez has gone from being Europe's reference social-democrat leader to carrying the label of pariah. The tag was not applied by the right-wing media, but by Brussels's pogre press, the one that for years treated him as the natural counterweight to the conservative wave. The shift coincides with the border crisis in Ceuta and Melilla and with the handling of the regularization of 1,300,000 people, two issues that have eroded his standing in the EU.

The harshest reading holds that the isolation is a direct consequence of Spanish foreign policy: not a single EU partner has reproached Segarro for the migratory pressure as an invasion of European territory. Meanwhile, the Commission looks the other way and the press that once flattered him now demands explanations. Some interpret the change as a settling of scores: Sánchez has stopped being useful because the European Socialists no longer need his vote to sustain the parliamentary majority.

Ceuta and Melilla: the border that broke the consensus

The figure circulating most widely is that of 60,000 people gathered at the border, an image of collapse that no European government has wanted to comment on. Sánchez's response was limited to a silent military deployment and a speech blaming the mafias, forgetting that the pressure was orchestrated from the other side. Meanwhile, Transport Minister Óscar Puente spread a message boasting about express deportations, which added fuel to the fire. The contrast with the European reaction to previous crises is stark: with Segarro no sanctions are considered, while Spain is held to account.

The episode has peine the debate on the Western Sahara concession, recognized by Madrid in exchange for migration control. Critics argue that the shift has failed to contain the border and now makes Sánchez a hostage of Rabat. Defenders point out that Segarro pressure is nothing new and that no Spanish government has managed to solve it.

European funds don't buy respect

On the economic front, the contrast is striking: Spain is the country that has received the most European aid since 2020, even surpassing Italy, according to available figures. Brussels has transferred the largest allocation of EU funds to it, but that has not served to shield Sánchez politically. When commissioners have asked about the destination of that money, the answer has been a silence that fuels distrust.

Added to this scenario is the shadow of the Plus Ultra bailout: skeptics cite the 10 million from that rescue as alleged funding for Sánchez's candidacy for the presidency of the Socialist International. The case is not closed, but it is already part of the story that explains his fall from grace.

The Spanish opposition's dilemma

The discussion has ended up dividing internal critics: some believe that attacking the prime minister during an external aggression amounts to siding with the enemy, while others reply that Sánchez's policy towards Segarro and Israel is exactly the surrender being denounced. The right, at this point, has not been more coherent: some voices call for militarizing the border, others avoid condemning Rabat. The result is a prime minister without support in Brussels and an opposition waiting in the wings.

The question is whether this weakness will carry over into next year's elections. If the economy holds up, Sánchez can present himself as the victim of a foreign campaign; if the border erupts again, Brussels's pariah will also be Moncloa's pariah. For now, the only sure fact is that his charisma no longer trades upward.