Mazón and DANA: Did Valencia request aid that Madrid denied?

Mazón and the DANA: The aid that was never requested

The question has circulated for months without resolution: did Carlos Mazón, former president of the Valencian regional government (Generalitat), ask for state resources after the floods, only to be refused by Pedro Sánchez’s administration? Available evidence suggests an uncomfortable answer for both sides. Mazón did not request a declaration of national emergency, according to his own public explanation, because someone from his party advised against it. Meanwhile, the central government—which some argue could have taken command without an invitation—also failed to act.

Who had which responsibilities?

The division of powers is the crux of the matter and must be clarified before assigning blame. The Generalitat cannot independently deploy the National Police, the Civil Guard, or the military. These forces depend on the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Defense, respectively. Local police fall under municipal authority. The Valencian Community lacks its own police competencies. Firefighters, except for the provincial consortium, are also municipal services.

Consequently, the UME (Military Emergency Unit), the only military force directly under the Ministry of Defense rather than the general staff, remained stationed near ground zero awaiting a formal request from the regional government, according to the unit’s commander. The first troops to arrive were a reconnaissance group, 96 soldiers the day before, based on messages circulating in analyses. Large-scale deployment did not occur until days later.

Timeline of conflicting messages

On October 31, Sánchez promised help “with all State security forces,” and Mazón publicly thanked him for “collaboration and coordination.” Two days later, on November 2, the Prime Minister made a statement that became a political weapon: “If the Valencian Community needs more resources, let them ask.”

This is where narratives diverge. One view holds that Mazón was obligated to request emergency status but failed due to calculation, cowardice, or incompetence. Another points to the central government: even without a request, it had the legal and material capacity to intervene yet let critical days pass. The debate is further complicated by an audio attributed to Alberto Núñez Feijóo, leader of the PP (People’s Party). Those who heard the full clip claim he said the opposite of what is alleged—that he actually advised Mazón to request the declaration.

The narrative of abandonment and its rebuttals

The harshest account of the central government describes a total absence of the State for days: residents guarding muddy, dark streets to prevent looting (which occurred), and volunteers with their own equipment arriving before institutional aid. French firefighters who appeared in Alfafar were stunned to find they were the first responders, according to widely repeated accounts.

In contrast, official defenders insist the State cannot assume regional competencies without a formal request, blaming the Generalitat for inaction. The European Parliament, in its assessment triggering the Solidarity Fund, pointed out political responsibility at all administrative levels: the State, the region, and municipalities, citing failures in prevention and management. In short, the EU body cleared no one.

Who pays the political price?

Mazón eventually resigned over a year later, with 226 deaths on his conscience. Some interpret this exit as a maneuver to close the case using a scapegoat while leaving the rest of the chain of command untouched. Others believe the resignation benefits the PP by shifting focus away. What is clear is that the Congress blocked appearances by families critical of Sánchez’s management, while victims who did attend distributed blame between both administrations.

Can it be proven that the central government explicitly rejected a formal request from the Generalitat? Based on available evidence, no. What is documented is that no written request was made, that the State had means to act sooner, and that no one in Madrid moved without the proper procedure. With these facts, everyone chooses whom to blame. The unanswered question remains: if the system requires a request to save lives, what is the point of the system?