Feijóo’s Failed Investiture After Spain's July 23 Election
Feijóo failed to form a government after the July 23 vote, blocked by 177 opposing MPs and an impossible pact with Catalan separatists.
English · Original discussion in Spanish · Published
Feijóo and the July 23 Vote: The Math That Never Added Up
Why is Feijóo not Prime Minister despite winning the July 23 elections? The short answer: 177 MPs voted against his investiture, and none of the partners he needed—neither Catalan separatists nor the PNV (Basque Nationalist Party)—were willing to support him. The long answer involves how the PP managed Pablo Casado’s fall, the Galician leader’s relationship with nationalist parties, and the widespread post-election analysis that the final campaign week was a disaster leaving two burdensome scars.
The first was the alleged link to drug trafficking involving a member of his circle during the campaign. The second was the late pivot on pensions indexed to inflation, which the PP had frozen under Rajoy. These two issues haunted Feijóo until July 23 and, according to repeated analyses, partly explain why the center-right failed to mobilize the necessary votes.
The Impossible Pact with Separatists
The key to the failed investiture lies in one phrase summarizing the problem: the Catalan conflict cannot be solved by judges, but by politicians. However, Feijóo built his political career in Madrid attacking separatists, finding himself with nothing to offer when it came time to ask for their votes. The PNV had already made clear it wanted no part of Vox, and Catalan separatists would not support a candidate who had made Article 155 (suspension of autonomy) and anti-Catalan rhetoric his main banner.
Some argue that if Feijóo had understood this a year earlier, he would be Prime Minister now. But he was too busy managing the internal war between Casado and Ayuso to see it. Those actions led to these consequences.
Amnesty as the Only Way Out
The current scenario is very different from what the PP dreamed. There will be no binding referendum, only an amnesty. A sort of "Jordi Pujol 2.0" will return, trinc by peace and glory. The breakup of Spain is not on the table, partly because the EU does not want it. Catalan separatism lacks international support and has limited maneuvering room.
What is on the table is a repeat election, a scenario always stigmatized by the perception that politicians cannot solve national issues and need citizens to vote again. The alternative—striking deals and sharing posts—will not substantially change anything: neither jobs, housing, nor crime. So, deep down, it doesn’t matter who governs.
The Political Graveyard of Casado and Egea
No one disputes that Teodoro García Egea was a true fixer, but the way Casado was ousted was a slaughter. A live execution that sent a message about the true nature of the PP. That message hasn’t been erased. Feijóo inherited it and hasn’t known how to manage it.
The lingering question is what happens to Cuca Gamarra, what to do with that piece of the hard core still there. Because the problem isn’t just Feijóo: it’s the entire ecosystem surrounding him.
In the end, the story boils down to one image: Feijóo remains on the balcony at Génova Street since the early hours of July 23, wondering where the blow came from. The answer is simple: from a majority that doesn’t believe in him. Meanwhile, Sánchez and Egea are laughing their heads off.
Why is Feijóo not Prime Minister despite winning the July 23 elections? The short answer: 177 MPs voted against his investiture, and none of the partners he needed—neither Catalan separatists nor the PNV (Basque Nationalist Party)—were willing to support him. The long answer involves how the PP managed Pablo Casado’s fall, the Galician leader’s relationship with nationalist parties, and the widespread post-election analysis that the final campaign week was a disaster leaving two burdensome scars.
The first was the alleged link to drug trafficking involving a member of his circle during the campaign. The second was the late pivot on pensions indexed to inflation, which the PP had frozen under Rajoy. These two issues haunted Feijóo until July 23 and, according to repeated analyses, partly explain why the center-right failed to mobilize the necessary votes.
The Impossible Pact with Separatists
The key to the failed investiture lies in one phrase summarizing the problem: the Catalan conflict cannot be solved by judges, but by politicians. However, Feijóo built his political career in Madrid attacking separatists, finding himself with nothing to offer when it came time to ask for their votes. The PNV had already made clear it wanted no part of Vox, and Catalan separatists would not support a candidate who had made Article 155 (suspension of autonomy) and anti-Catalan rhetoric his main banner.
Some argue that if Feijóo had understood this a year earlier, he would be Prime Minister now. But he was too busy managing the internal war between Casado and Ayuso to see it. Those actions led to these consequences.
Amnesty as the Only Way Out
The current scenario is very different from what the PP dreamed. There will be no binding referendum, only an amnesty. A sort of "Jordi Pujol 2.0" will return, trinc by peace and glory. The breakup of Spain is not on the table, partly because the EU does not want it. Catalan separatism lacks international support and has limited maneuvering room.
What is on the table is a repeat election, a scenario always stigmatized by the perception that politicians cannot solve national issues and need citizens to vote again. The alternative—striking deals and sharing posts—will not substantially change anything: neither jobs, housing, nor crime. So, deep down, it doesn’t matter who governs.
The Political Graveyard of Casado and Egea
No one disputes that Teodoro García Egea was a true fixer, but the way Casado was ousted was a slaughter. A live execution that sent a message about the true nature of the PP. That message hasn’t been erased. Feijóo inherited it and hasn’t known how to manage it.
The lingering question is what happens to Cuca Gamarra, what to do with that piece of the hard core still there. Because the problem isn’t just Feijóo: it’s the entire ecosystem surrounding him.
In the end, the story boils down to one image: Feijóo remains on the balcony at Génova Street since the early hours of July 23, wondering where the blow came from. The answer is simple: from a majority that doesn’t believe in him. Meanwhile, Sánchez and Egea are laughing their heads off.
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Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication. Read the full discussion (107 replies).
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