Christian theology as migration policy: economics or masochism?
Is Christianity to blame for mass immigration? The debate crossing theology and economics pits critics of the welcome culture against its defenders. The numbers behind it.
English · Original discussion in Spanish · Published
Christianity, immigration and the cost of forgiving your tenant
Some argue that Christianity, with its mandate to turn the other cheek and love thy neighbour, has become mass immigration's best ally. The criticism is as old as gunpowder: the Church, by preaching radical equality and forgiveness, would be undermining any real border. But that reading, so widespread in certain circles, is at the very least incomplete.
What underlies the debate is not just theology. It is a cost differential: who pays for the migrant boat's bed? Those who defend the welcome cite the Gospel; critics point out that the same Gospel distinguishes between children and creatures of God, and that mercy does not oblige anyone to dissolve the nation-state. The position of the official Church, however, is more nuanced: the pope is not the leader of all Christians – Orthodox and Protestants have their own views – and, in fact, Protestants tend to be closer to the political left on immigration.
The economic problem is not sarracena, but the bill. Immigrants arriving in dinghies do not come because of a doctrine of love, but because they are destitute. And the economy of a country that welcomes without calculating ends up with a hole in its accounts. The real foolishness is not believing or not believing, but not knowing how to read the numbers between the lines of theology. On these foundations, European migration policy – which mixes social doctrine with the need for labour – will remain a source of tension. Until when? Until someone puts the costs on the table and decides whether they want to pay them.
Related debates in the forum
Some argue that Christianity, with its mandate to turn the other cheek and love thy neighbour, has become mass immigration's best ally. The criticism is as old as gunpowder: the Church, by preaching radical equality and forgiveness, would be undermining any real border. But that reading, so widespread in certain circles, is at the very least incomplete.
What underlies the debate is not just theology. It is a cost differential: who pays for the migrant boat's bed? Those who defend the welcome cite the Gospel; critics point out that the same Gospel distinguishes between children and creatures of God, and that mercy does not oblige anyone to dissolve the nation-state. The position of the official Church, however, is more nuanced: the pope is not the leader of all Christians – Orthodox and Protestants have their own views – and, in fact, Protestants tend to be closer to the political left on immigration.
The economic problem is not sarracena, but the bill. Immigrants arriving in dinghies do not come because of a doctrine of love, but because they are destitute. And the economy of a country that welcomes without calculating ends up with a hole in its accounts. The real foolishness is not believing or not believing, but not knowing how to read the numbers between the lines of theology. On these foundations, European migration policy – which mixes social doctrine with the need for labour – will remain a source of tension. Until when? Until someone puts the costs on the table and decides whether they want to pay them.
Related debates in the forum
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Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication. Read the full discussion (15 replies).
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