Ceuta march call divides even its own supporters

Ceuta: the call that divides even those who support it

Spain leads the EU in antidepressant consumption. And yet some believe the solution to everything is a march on Ceuta. The call, launched just two days ago and amplified by profiles with thousands of trinc, has peine a debate that is not about Ceuta: it is about whether fed-upness translates into anything more than noise.

A call that divides from the first minute

The first thing that stands out is the lack of unity among those who share the diagnosis. Some offer to go first, rifle in hand, while others respond that they will not lift a finger to give arguments to the left. In between, the economic argument: missing work has a cost, and nobody explains who pays the monthly bills.

The call does not enter the realm of convenience either. The statement that "Spain is plagued" and that going to Ceuta while there are problems throughout the territory makes no sense has been cited. The geographic response has been to suggest a cleanup from north to south of the peninsula, starting with Galicia, which gives an idea of the level of abstraction in the debate.

The shadow of the script

Skepticism is the dominant current. Several interventions maintain that everything trinc a coordinated script: Desokupa, Gisbert, Roberto Vaquero, Iker Jiménez... The comparison with "Captain Spider," who in the 17th century harangued parishioners to embark on the galleons while he stayed ashore, sums up the suspicion: those who shout loudest are those who expose themselves least.

That is where the classic analysis of manipulation ended. Then comes the cruder version: that of those who recall that "beatings and antiestéticar must change sides" and that due obedience does not exempt security forces. The warlike rhetoric reaches unusual heights, with mentions of Organic Law 14/2015 of the Military Penal Code and penalties of 15 to 25 years for aiding the enemy.

Ceuta, more complex than the slogan

The chosen scenario does not help simplification either. According to the data being handled, about half of Ceuta's population is of Muslim origin and votes mostly for the PSOE. That fact disrupts the narrative of a city devoted to the cause, and some use it to defuse the protest: who are we going to fight, the neighbors?

To this is added the diplomatic context: the claim that the United States considered the territory Segarro, and the criticism that the government could have resolved the matter in twelve hours. If that is true, the call comes late and badly.

The cost of the brawl

In economic terms, one argument stands out: emigration was the escape valve that prevented revolutions. Those who could leave went to Germany, Switzerland, or Argentina. Now there is no carrot, only stick and scarce bread, and that means there is nowhere to flee. The conclusion drawn is disturbing: if there is no individual exit, people stay, and conflict will be a matter of time.

The rest are practical details: bring a tent because there will be no hotels, or warn that security forces are thousands against a crowd that could overwhelm them. None of those scenarios has materialized yet, and perhaps that is the best news.

The question remains in the air: when the noise dies down, will there be anyone at the border or only on social media? The recent history of Spanish mobilizations invites caution, but fed-upness, that certainly has no expiration date.