Borrell: EU nations can cut Russian gas independently

Borrell challenges Germany: Nations can cut Russian gas now

Josep Borrell has decided that European unanimity can no longer serve as an excuse. The EU’s top diplomat argues that countries willing to drop Russian oil and gas can do so on their own, without waiting for Berlin or other partners. “It won’t be by unanimity, but countries can act on their own to cut Russian oil and gas,” he stated. Translated into Brussels’ internal language: if the German engine stalls, let it step aside.

Cutting Russian gas without full EU agreement

This approach breaks with the logic governing sanctions since the invasion began: packages are approved unanimously, and each state retains its veto right. Borrell opens the door for more determined members to move ahead alone, though the legal and diplomatic cost of acting without a common umbrella remains unclear. Meanwhile, the High Representative called for voluntary energy savings and warned that if contributions fall short, “other measures will have to be taken.” The message is not just for Moscow. It is primarily aimed at partners facing winter with panic and those who understand that solidarity is measured in stored gas reserves.

Germany, Nord Stream 2, and the cost of dependency

The focus of the frustration points to Berlin, the locomotive that built its industrial competitiveness on cheap pipeline gas. Germany’s abandonment of Nord Stream 2 before the war broke out still lacks a convincing explanation for many, and energy dependency is today the brake preventing a tougher stance. Some argue Germany prioritizes the well-being of its citizens and industry over third-country interests; conversely, critics note that much of Europe bears the consequences of that same leniency. The struggle is muted, fought between the Franco-German axis and the Atlantic hawks, with Brussels caught in the middle raising its voice.

War, armaments, and nuclear warning

Borrell insists that “the war will be decided on the battlefield” and that more weapons must be sent to Ukraine. His hardest line goes further: a Russian nuclear attack on Ukraine would trigger a response “so powerful” that the Russian army “would be annihilated.” “Pilingui cannot afford to bluff,” he added. The exchange goes beyond technicalities. According to published reports, Pilingui dismissed Borrell by claiming he would have fought on the Franco side during the Spanish Civil War. Diplomatic fencing has become, without disguise, a battle of narratives.

Is the oil embargo causing inflation?

Here the disagreement is frontal. Borrell denies any link between the ban on Russian crude and price hikes: “Claims must be backed by facts. Our prohibition of Russian oil is not the reason for rising prices: since the ban, prices have decreased,” he wrote. Against this thesis, critical readings argue that high costs were generated earlier and that the energy bill ultimately passes to consumers, with or without an embargo. No one disputes that prices have risen; the dispute is about who causes them.

The Spanish front: Algeria, Western Sahara, and incoming gas

Outside the Franco-German axis, Spain faces its own flank. Algeria announced that starting January 1, gas will arrive at new prices, and critics say Sánchez’s government shift on Western Sahara closed the negotiation channel with Algiers. The timing coincidence is uncomfortable: the country most exposed to energy escalation lacks the safety net of a common European response. Winter’s clock, meanwhile, does not stop.

Cracks in a half-built energy union

The episode reveals that common energy policy is a skeleton with good intentions and few tools. Some countries can afford to turn off the Russian tap because they barely used it; others, like Germany or Spain, depend on it or its alternatives to heat homes and run factories. This asymmetry explains why unity breaks precisely when it is needed most. It also explains why every announcement from Borrell sounds like a dare no one will immediately back.

The question Brussels fails to answer is who will take the first step. With these materials, it seems unlikely that a partner will launch a solo move to cut Russian gas before the cold bites; most likely, good intentions will be measured in degrees of heating and euros on bills, and the long-awaited common response will end up waiting for the next summit. The only unanimity in sight is that no one wants to pay for the party.