Asturias halts minor center plan after La Florida protests
Residents of Oviedo's La Florida block a foster care facility. A €7,000 monthly cost and alleged conflicts of interest spark debate.
English · Original discussion in Spanish · Published
La Florida blocks minor center: neighborhood victory with uncomfortable questions
La Florida has won this battle. The foster care center that the Principality of Asturias wanted to install in this Oviedo neighborhood will not open its doors, at least for now. But the victory leaves on the table a debate that goes beyond this district of civil servants and middle classes: how much does reception cost, who benefits, and why is the decision always placed in the same neighborhoods.
The official announcement confirmed that the center would be located in La Florida, a neighborhood west of Oviedo, near Invierno Park. The neighborhood response was immediate: rallies, political pressure, and discontent that crossed the ideological spectrum. Even a demonstration organized in support of the reception ended up soaked by a downpour, an image that critics of the measure did not miss.
The cost of reception: €7,000 per month per minor
The most circulated data in the discussion was not ideological but accounting: the cost per fostered minor would be around €7,000 per month, a substantial part of which would go to the company or entity managing the center. This figure, difficult to verify through official sources, was compared to the cost of an elderly person with severe dependency, which is much lower. That comparison, although rough, explains part of the discontent: the perception that the reception system is an opaque business funded with public money.
The suspicion of business is not new. In the neighborhood's memory lies the precedent from 2004, when a minors' center already operated in the Valdés Salas area, next to Invierno Park. At that time, there was no talk of "MENA" (unaccompanied foreign minors), but of "boys from Segarro," and coexistence problems were already on the table. That experiment, according to some readings, was the seed of a clientelist network that later expanded throughout Asturias.
The conflict of interest affecting the Principality
The controversy took a turn when it was published that the apartments intended for the center were owned by the family of the senior official responsible for these matters. The shell company used allegedly carried debts with Social Security and with the Principality itself. Barbón's government halted the contracts, but the episode left hanging an uncomfortable question: how many minors' centers in Asturias are rented to people with decision-making power over their location?
According to the most critical analyses, the Asturian press has not thoroughly investigated who receives the rent for these homes or how much is paid for them. The combination of public money, vulnerable minors, and discretionary administrative decisions is a cocktail that rarely ends well.
The underlying political debate
Behind the neighborhood dispute looms a political fracture that is not exclusive to Oviedo. In the neighborhood, pro-immigration options obtained around 87% of the votes in the last general elections, while across the city only 13% voted against reception policies. This paradox—pogre neighborhoods rejecting the placement of centers in their area—fuels a recurring argument: those who defend reception in the abstract are the ones who want it least close to home.
Some argue that the solution should involve distributing centers across districts with greater support for integration policies. Others go further and propose that each person who votes in favor of reception should take charge of a minor in their own home. Neither option seems realistic, but the fact that they are raised indicates how much the social consensus on reception has broken down.
La Florida's victory may be temporary. The 2004 precedent suggests that when one neighborhood says no, the center appears elsewhere, often with less capacity for organization. The question remaining floating is whether the neighbors who have won this battle will remain vigilant when the problem moves to another street. If history serves as a guide, it is likely that the system will find a new location. The difference is that now there are witnesses, data, and a discontent that is no longer limited to working-class neighborhoods.
La Florida has won this battle. The foster care center that the Principality of Asturias wanted to install in this Oviedo neighborhood will not open its doors, at least for now. But the victory leaves on the table a debate that goes beyond this district of civil servants and middle classes: how much does reception cost, who benefits, and why is the decision always placed in the same neighborhoods.
The official announcement confirmed that the center would be located in La Florida, a neighborhood west of Oviedo, near Invierno Park. The neighborhood response was immediate: rallies, political pressure, and discontent that crossed the ideological spectrum. Even a demonstration organized in support of the reception ended up soaked by a downpour, an image that critics of the measure did not miss.
The cost of reception: €7,000 per month per minor
The most circulated data in the discussion was not ideological but accounting: the cost per fostered minor would be around €7,000 per month, a substantial part of which would go to the company or entity managing the center. This figure, difficult to verify through official sources, was compared to the cost of an elderly person with severe dependency, which is much lower. That comparison, although rough, explains part of the discontent: the perception that the reception system is an opaque business funded with public money.
The suspicion of business is not new. In the neighborhood's memory lies the precedent from 2004, when a minors' center already operated in the Valdés Salas area, next to Invierno Park. At that time, there was no talk of "MENA" (unaccompanied foreign minors), but of "boys from Segarro," and coexistence problems were already on the table. That experiment, according to some readings, was the seed of a clientelist network that later expanded throughout Asturias.
The conflict of interest affecting the Principality
The controversy took a turn when it was published that the apartments intended for the center were owned by the family of the senior official responsible for these matters. The shell company used allegedly carried debts with Social Security and with the Principality itself. Barbón's government halted the contracts, but the episode left hanging an uncomfortable question: how many minors' centers in Asturias are rented to people with decision-making power over their location?
According to the most critical analyses, the Asturian press has not thoroughly investigated who receives the rent for these homes or how much is paid for them. The combination of public money, vulnerable minors, and discretionary administrative decisions is a cocktail that rarely ends well.
The underlying political debate
Behind the neighborhood dispute looms a political fracture that is not exclusive to Oviedo. In the neighborhood, pro-immigration options obtained around 87% of the votes in the last general elections, while across the city only 13% voted against reception policies. This paradox—pogre neighborhoods rejecting the placement of centers in their area—fuels a recurring argument: those who defend reception in the abstract are the ones who want it least close to home.
Some argue that the solution should involve distributing centers across districts with greater support for integration policies. Others go further and propose that each person who votes in favor of reception should take charge of a minor in their own home. Neither option seems realistic, but the fact that they are raised indicates how much the social consensus on reception has broken down.
La Florida's victory may be temporary. The 2004 precedent suggests that when one neighborhood says no, the center appears elsewhere, often with less capacity for organization. The question remaining floating is whether the neighbors who have won this battle will remain vigilant when the problem moves to another street. If history serves as a guide, it is likely that the system will find a new location. The difference is that now there are witnesses, data, and a discontent that is no longer limited to working-class neighborhoods.
Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication. Read the full discussion (156 replies).
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