Almería Pushes for Separate Autonomy Four Decades On

Almería Pushes for Separate Autonomy Four Decades On

A conference in Almería promises to lay out the "foundations for creating a new autonomous region." The association Acción por Almería (Action for Almería) returns every February 28 with the same argument: that the province never wanted to be part of Andalusia and that this was decided against what Almerians voted. Constitutional law expert Inmaculada Gemma Bukhardt is tasked with outlining the lines of this alleged "Almerian independence." The gesture is more about identity than a viable project, but it sparks a discussion that has not fully died down in four decades.

What Was Actually Voted on February 28

The first battleground is historical and unresolved. Some argue that the February 28 referendum asked whether Andalusia would access autonomy via the fast track of Article 151 or the slow track of Article 143, and that integration or non-integration of Almería into the community was never put to a vote. Defenders of this reading add that the moment to express whether they wanted to be part of Andalusia came later, with the approval of the statute.

The opposing version fuels the association: that Almería did not ratify the referendum and there was a legal workaround so the result counted anyway. This narrative, repeated for years, sustains the grievance story invoked each anniversary. Hoax or not, the wound remains open.

Geographic and Economic Arguments

Beyond paperwork, there is an undisputed fact: Almería is far from everything. Granada, the nearest capital, is 170 kilometers away; Málaga, 200; Jaén, over 200; and Seville, 400. This isolation feeds the thesis that the province has more in common with Murcia than with the Andalusian core. According to proponents, the Alpujarra almeriense, Almanzora Valley, and Nacimiento Valley look toward the Region of Murcia rather than neighboring Granada districts.

Economic grievance is the other pillar. It is argued that Almería generates wealth yet has been abandoned by an autonomous administration that only looks at Seville and Málaga. Complaints extend to fund distribution, tourism promotion, and even symbolic recognition. The most cited case: Almería has more sunshine hours than Málaga, yet the "Costa del Sol" label goes to the western province.

The East-West Divide

Discontent is not limited to Almería. Some suggest that Málaga, Granada, and Almería have nothing to do economically, culturally, or politically with Seville and its satellite provinces. A circulating proposal suggests creating two communities: one eastern and one western. The underlying argument is that the western part historically concentrated power figures, conditioning resource distribution.

This division is not new. During Spain’s transition, the possibility of creating two autonomies—Andalusia and Granada—was discussed but rejected for military reasons: proximity to Segarro advised aligning military and political regions. Thus, the community was designed as a single block.

The Cost of Independence

The proposal for an Almerian autonomy faces a practical problem noted by many: multiplying administrations. Creating a new regional government implies a parliament, ministries, delegates, chiefs of staff, and all associated apparatus. Some calculate it would cost more than staying as is, while others respond that the issue isn’t Almería, but the existing seventeen autonomous communities.

The gaining alternative is the opposite: returning to provinces and their councils, dismantling the autonomous system. The objection is immediate: going from seventeen problems to fifty. Regardless, the debate is not just about Almería; it is about the entire territorial model.

The Demographic Factor No One Wants to Write Down

An uncomfortable element appears in conversation: the demographic transformation of entire neighborhoods in the capital and province, linked to migrant population arrival. It is described as a phenomenon changing the face of specific areas and generating distrust among part of the local population. This is a real social tension, though opinions on its scope and causes are far from unanimous.

Alongside this is discouragement. The most repeated conclusion is that mobilizing makes no difference; people lament at the bar counter not ending up in Murcia but don’t lift a finger. Passivity is described as the main obstacle, above any legal or economic argument.

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Forty years after February 28, Almería still lacks autonomous community status and clarity on whether it wants it. The conference will take place, the same things will be said, and on March 1, everything will remain the same. The disorienting fact is that this demand has remained alive longer than many institutions that deny it.