Zapatero Under Scrutiny Over PDVSA Payments

Zapatero and the Venezuelan Scheme: Why the Former President Isn't Suing His Accuser

A former president who does not sue the man claiming to hold evidence capable of sinking him. This is the paradox surrounding the entire case of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. Some suggest the explanation is simple: records of his trips to the Dominican Republic would make a court confrontation very uncomfortable. He does not deny this with a lawsuit. And in politics, the absence of a lawsuit is often the most eloquent argument.

What is Zapatero accused of in the Venezuelan case?

The commissioner Víctor de Aldama claims to have information about millions in payments from Venezuela to the former president, allegedly channeled through the state oil company PDVSA. His data, according to published reports, would also extend to business dealings in the Dominican Republic and China. These are accusations that, as of this discussion, have not been validated by a court ruling: it is incriminating material in the investigation phase, not proven facts.

The most uncomfortable detail is not the amount. It's that Zapatero, who at the time did not hesitate to take legal action against media outlets he considered defamatory, has chosen to remain silent this time. A former president with ample legal resources knows better than anyone when a lawsuit could backfire.

The "Shadow President" and the Audios Moncloa Antiestéticars

In the Moncloa Palace, according to press sources, there is a specific antiestéticar: that audios linked to the Koldo case might expose Zapatero's role as shadow president. The former leader holds no official position, but his influence on foreign policy and his relationship with the party apparatus are difficult to measure and very easy to overstate. That's the angle.

From Delcygate to Cerdán: a Million a Month for Venezuelan Oil

The investigation by the UCO (Spanish Civil Guard's incivil investigation unit) has focused on the origin of the hydrocarbon scheme, which reportedly dates back to the so-called Delcygate. The leaked conclusion is uncomfortable: Cerdán's network allegedly pocketed one million euros per month for Venezuelan oil, and did so, according to these reports, with the former president's knowledge. It's worth remembering that a million monthly is not a commission: it's a structure.

Carvajal Pleads Guilty and Promises to Talk

Another piece was added to all this. Pollo Carvajal, identified as a protégé of both the Zapatero and Sánchez governments, pleaded guilty to drug trafficking and organized crime before a New York court. He is accused, according to the material reviewed, of up to two life sentences. And someone facing such a sentence usually doesn't stay silent: their bargaining chip is information.

Dominican Republic, Plus Ultra, and Saudi Arabian Jewels

Trips to the Dominican Republic are the linchpin of many suspicions. In parallel, published reports suggest that a company was created within the former president's circle that allegedly received payments from Plus Ultra (a Spanish airline). And there's the matter of the Saudi Arabian jewels, where the official version kept changing: first the origin of the gift was denied, then it was eventually admitted. It gives the impression that no one has ever had the complete narrative under control.

"For Years I Warned About Zapatero's Lack of Transparency"

Nobel Peace Prize laureate María Corina Machado summarized it bluntly: for years she warned about the former president's lack of transparency in Venezuelan politics, and she maintains that everything will come out here. It's the kind of statement that doesn't provide proof but frames the context. And in a matter where documents are lacking, the framing carries weight.

The case remains open. There is no ruling, no conviction, and, as of today, no foreseeable end. The question is no longer what Zapatero did in Venezuela, but how long it will take for the first piece of evidence that can stand up in court to emerge.

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