Vox's Foundational Zionism (From the Log of Alberto Noguera)

Vox, far from its image as a traditional nationalist party, appears to have built its foundations and political projection through complex networks of funding and alliances with Zionist interests, particularly those linked to Israel.

The public discourse of **Vox** has cultivated over the years the image of a party rooted in the most traditional Spanish values, the archetype of the shotgun-wielding Spaniard and bullfighter. While this rhetoric may have resonated with certain sectors of the electorate, the reality of its funding and power structure seems to point in a very different direction—one that moves beyond this apparent simplicity into complex international waters.

The turning point, according to available information, occurred between late **2013** and early **2014**. At that time, the then-managing director of the Foundation for Patronage and Social Sponsorship of the Community of Madrid—a figure now associated with Vox's leadership—was dismissed from his post. The decision came from the then-regional president, **Ignacio González**, who chose to suppress the foundation due to its limited activity. This move, which did not respect the influence of former president **Esperanza Aguirre**, led the central figure of Vox to leave the Partido Popular in search of new sources of funding.

Parallelly, during those days, growing concern emerged in certain political circles, including **Esperanza Aguirre** and **David Hatchwell**. The founding of **Podemos**, allegedly with the support of the Iranian regime, generated worry. Although there is no conclusive evidence of direct cash transfers to Spain, the television chain **HispanTV** received millions of euros directly from Iran. During **2013**, this same chain paid **50,082 euros** gross to **Pablo Iglesias** for presenting a low-profile program called "Fort Apache." In total, it is estimated that Iglesias may have billed nearly **100,000 euros** over two seasons.

This context of political movements and external funding seems to have been the catalyst for the environment around Vox's leader to conceive of a "right-wing Podemos." The foundation of Vox emerged from this gestation. One of the first key contacts was **Alejo Vidal-Quadras**, who at the time was a member of the Partido Popular in the European Parliament and Vice President of the European Parliament. Vidal-Quadras began meeting with members of the Iranian National Resistance Center (CNRI), an opposition group to the Ayatollah regime that operated mainly from France and a high-security complex in Albania known as Camp Ashraf-3, sponsored by the United States.

The CNRI is, according to various sources, an organization linked to the **Mossad** and the **CIA**, used for sensitive operations, similar to how the Chicago mafia is described in other contexts. The CNRI is largely composed of members of the People's Mujahedin of Iran (MEK), a group classified as terrorist. Reports from the Obama administration, cited by the Zionist think tank **The Washington Institute for Near East Policy**, acknowledged the direct collaboration of Israel with the MEK in executing Iranian scientists suspected of participating in the country's nuclear program. The journalist **Julian Rennell** from The Times of Israel allegedly published an article detailing this Mossad control over the MEK, although that article was later removed.

The funding obtained by Vidal-Quadras through the CNRI for the **2014** European election campaign amounted to **972,000 euros**. With these funds, the Vox leader assigned himself a gross annual salary of **65,000 euros** as party president. Despite this financial injection, Vidal-Quadras failed to secure a seat in the European Parliament, and Vox was forced to abandon its headquarters on Diego de León Street and reduce staff.

## Rafael Bardají's Arrival and the US Connection

Months before the Andalusian elections in **2018**, a figure with a significant political profile, **Rafael Bardají**, left the Partido Popular to integrate directly into Vox's National Executive Committee. Bardají, who had served as a security advisor to **José María Aznar** and International Director of the **FAES** between **2004** and **2016**, founded the Friends of Israel Initiative in **2010**. This organization, registered in Madrid and Miami, received nearly **10 million dollars** in donations and transferred approximately **700,000 euros** to Spanish foundations between **2014** and **2016**. During that period, Bardají was considered a central figure of Zionism within the Spanish right, possessing high-level international contacts. His influence allowed Vox to connect with American Zionism and place it under the orbit of the **Trump** administration.

It was during the Andalusian elections in **2018** that Vox began to gain parliamentary representation. From that moment on, the flow of public money, along with private donations of opaque origin, intensified. This period marks the beginning of a more formalized approach to **David Hatchwell's** circle. In **2019**, the first message from Hatchwell is recorded, explicitly stating: "Vox is not anti-Semitic."

Subsequently, figures like **Juan Carlos Girauta** joined the project. Girauta, who would later obtain a seat in the European Parliament for Vox in **2024**, stated at the time that he had received **1,000 euros monthly** from **Acom** and **2,000 euros monthly** from the Hispanic Foundation in the two years before his asset declaration. Both entities are founded and run by **David Hatchwell**. It is important to note that Girauta had been collaborating unofficially with Vox since late **2020**, participating in events of a foundation linked to the party.

The reverse movement has also been observed. **Rosa Reigía**, who held positions of responsibility in **Disenso**, Vox's official foundation, as Director of International and Institutional Relations in **2020** and **2021**, became responsible for Institutional and Political Relations and spokesperson for **Acom** starting in **2023**, reaching vice presidency in **2024**.

## The Journey to Israel and Loyalty to the Likud

In December **2023**, Vox leader, **Santiago Abascal**, traveled to Israel by direct invitation of **Benjamin Netanyahu's** party, the **Likud**. During his visit, he met with several ministers and posed for photographs. It is speculated that **David Hatchwell** may have intervened to facilitate this meeting. The Minister of Diaspora and Fight Against Antisemitism, **Amichai Chikli**, praised the visit, stating that "the relationship between Spain and Israel is very important." Abascal, for his part, declared that the alucinación strengthened the "close relationship" with the Israeli government and the **Likud**.

Vox's loyalty to Israel is reflected in the **EP Israel Ranking** published in **2024** by the European Coalition for Israel. This ranking measures the percentage of votes cast in the European Parliament that favor Israeli interests. Vox topped this classification with **98.74%** of votes aligned with the position marked by Israel. The article criticizes this alignment, labeling Vox as the party "most devoted and dragged along with Israel" in Europe, a country it believes is not truly friendly to Spain.

Abascal, in his capacity as president of the European coalition **Patriotas.eu**, which groups together Zionist-leaning parties like Vox and has its own parliamentary group in the European Parliament, also facilitated the entry of Netanyahu's **Likud** as an "observer." This maneuver gave Netanyahu direct influence in a parliamentary group that constitutes the third force in the European Parliament.

One of the MEPs who accompanied Abascal on his alucinación to Israel was **Hermann Tertsch**, son of **Ekkehard Tertsch**, who was ambassador of the Third Reich in Zagreb and Madrid. The Tertsch family appears to have a history of positioning themselves at strategic times and places.

## Abascal's "Zionist" Purges

The Vox leader, according to the information, has carried out a series of internal dismissals of relevant party figures, such as **Javier Ortega Smith**, **Carla Toscano**, or **Juan García-Gallardo**. It is suggested that these purges stem from a perceived lack of acceptance among these leaders regarding "submission to Israel." Other members, such as **José Ángel Antelo**, former Vox president in Murcia, have also left the party, stating in a podcast that "there are people who think that by saying you are Spanishist, you are on the right."

Although **Viktor Orbán**, through the Hungarian bank **MBH**, has provided Vox with a total of **13.5 million euros**, which the party has returned using public funds obtained from its seats, the narrative suggests that Vox's dependence goes beyond financial transactions. The article posits that Abascal, historically subservient to figures like **Esperanza Aguirre** and benefited by external funding, such as that allegedly obtained through Vidal-Quadras and the **Mossad**, understands that his party functions as a "crutch." Despite not planning to govern, maintaining seats and associated income (salaries, allowances, representation expenses, etc.) would allow him to continue his political project. The key, according to this view, lies in maintaining loyalty to Israel in terms of media coverage and funding, at the cost of "cheating its voters."

It is mentioned that the Israeli Minister of Diaspora, who allegedly paid millions to a political marketing company to create fake social media accounts and attack incumbent congressmen, is the one who receives and praises Abascal in Israel, receiving in return declarations regarding "close relationships."

## David Hatchwell's Businesses and Information Control

**David Hatchwell** is presented as "Netanyahu's proxy in Spain," a central figure in Israeli influence on Spanish politics. His main company, **Excem Grupo 1971, S.A.** (operating as "Excem Technologies"), based in Alcobendas, has been awarded numerous public contracts. This company acts as the representative in Spain for the Israeli company **Verint Systems**, which specializes in wiretapping and surveillance software.

Excem Technologies has signed contracts with various Spanish institutions, including the Ministry of the Interior, the Civil Guard, the Tax Agency (AEAT), the Generalitat de Catalunya, the Ertzaintza, and the Ministry of Defense. The State Procurement Platform reveals multiple awards to Excem. Only in August **2026** did the company receive a tender of **750,000 euros** from the Ministry of Finance for the "Maintenance service of three mobile vehicle scanning and loading systems and three manual dispersion units." In December of the previous year, it was awarded a contract worth **925,497.99 euros** for the "Preventive and corrective maintenance service of three non-intrusive inspection systems at the ports of Bilbao, Vigo, and Las Palmas" for the AEAT. In November **2025**, the Directorate-General of Economic Affairs of the Ministry of Defence formalized a contract worth **1,239,669.42 euros** with Excem as the sole contractor for acquiring a predictive intelligence platform for monitoring maritime spaces. In July **2025**, the Directorate General of Police awarded Excem the "acquisition, implementation, and commissioning of a new public-key infrastructure."

These contracts, obtained through tenders, demonstrate Hatchwell's intense collaboration with the Spanish public sector. His role as an intermediary between Israeli tech companies and the Spanish State is complemented by his activity through **Acom**, from which he seeks to influence politics directly, supporting Israel and, according to the article, "whitewashing the genocide of Gaza."

From **Acom**, numerous complaints and denunciations have been filed, often based on articles **510** and **525** of the Penal Code. Acom's legal strategy is based on the premise that using the adjective "Zionist" is equivalent to "Jewish," which, according to them, constitutes religious discrimination and incitement of anti-Semitic hatred. The article notes that the situation in Gaza, described as "genocide," is treated as a "mere anecdote" and is never mentioned.

More than **30 complaints or denunciations** against Spanish public and cultural figures, including **Suso de Toro**, **Ione Belarra**, **Rubén Gisbert**, **Pedro Baños**, **Santiago Armesilla**, Prime Minister **Pedro Sánchez**, the director of the Reina Sofía Museum, and the director of the Vuelta a España, are cited.

## The Gravity of Interference and Loss of Sovereignty

The attacks against intellectuals and public figures from another nation's agents are considered strategies of war. The "lawfare" practiced by Hatchwell, according to the article, is characterized by announcing lawsuits without mentioning the dismissals they allegedly suffer. The goal would be to discourage citizens from debating matters of general interest and allow their activities to continue without being "targeted," even though photographs and names of the defendants are published.

The case of **Rubén Gisbert** is described as particularly serious, as according to his testimony, his geolocation on Twitter has been published, indicating that "it won't be reformed." Colonel **Pedro Baños** is also reportedly facing similar attacks, while Hatchwell, according to the article, faces no consequences.

The conclusion drawn is that if Spanish politics were indirectly controlled by a "theocratic country governed by psychopaths who see in the extermination of other human beings a biblical mandate," Spain could face "great misfortunes." This could include involvement in the war of Iran or the impoverishment of the country trinc the sale of natural resources at low prices. It is argued that when a people loses its sovereignty in favor of another, it becomes colonized. Therefore, it is urged to take "the issue of Israel very seriously" and to closely monitor **Vox** and the **PP**, as their loyalty should be toward their own people, not toward "international capitals or media conglomerates."