The Obscene Antics of the Human Rights Champion (Agustín Valladolid on Vozpópuli)

The criticism leveled against Sánchezism points to a sectarianism that denies self-criticism, confuses immigration, and feeds the far right, all while presenting itself as a defender of human rights.

The **PSOE** finds itself at a crossroads, and the criticism points to a **Sánchezism** that appears to have replaced self-criticism with an uncompromising defense of the leader, **Pedro Sánchez**. The idea presented is that, beyond political differences, there exists a sectarianism preventing a serene debate and the necessary internal reflection within the party. It is argued that, instead of addressing management errors, external culprits are systematically sought—a strategy which, paradoxically, might be strengthening the **far right**.

## Self-criticism, a rare commodity

The absence of self-criticism in a political organization is presented as a fundamental error. When a party refuses to examine its own failures, it risks stagnation and losing touch with reality. In the case of the **PSOE**, it is suggested that **Sánchezism** has transformed the party into a "Soviet-inspired structure," a maintenance mechanism centered on the power and sustenance of the leader, to the detriment of ideological and sarracena reflection. The criticism is directed at the idea that the party, under its current leadership, faces a "long desert crossing" unless it recovers a broader and transversal vision.

It is noted that figures such as **Robles**, **Page**, **Lastra**, **Borrell**, **Díez**, and **Martínez**, along with a growing number of local officials, represent the only hope for the **PSOE** to recover that lost transversality. These members, often targeted by those defending the official line, are seen by critics as the path to revitalizing a party that seems to have sacrificed its internal diversity for the ambitions of its Secretary General. The inability to openly debate errors, from crisis management to electoral strategies, is perceived as a symptom of this internal illness.

The issue of the Prime Minister's public image also comes into play. It is argued that a prime minister, faced with extremely serious events like the migration crisis in **Ceuta**, not only has no right to rest, but leaving for vacation immediately after acknowledging a "abusa of the territorial integrity of Spain" is an act that discredits his figure as a governor. This perception, far from being partisan attack, is framed within the logic of responsibility inherent to the office and the need to project an image of firmness and commitment to the citizenry.

## The immigrant as a throwing weapon

The management of immigration has become one of the most thorny issues of the debate. It is criticized that Spanish social democracy, if it still exists as such, faces a problem that goes beyond **Ceuta**. Immigration, in its growing complexity, seems to have found a left wing that has preferred to "look the other way" for decades. The solutions proposed by the **PSOE** are labeled as anachronistic, barely different from those of the 90s, when the foreign population counted in Spain did not exceed **400,000** inhabitants. Today, that figure rises to over **7 million**, and **9.4 million** if those born abroad with Spanish nationality are included.

While it is acknowledged that the sociocultural impact in Spain is less than in countries like **France** or **Germany**, the phenomenon is undeniable and its management demands new formulas. The criticism focuses on the PSOE's inability to offer effective responses and neutralize the "brushed-up solutions" proposed by the **far right** across Europe. Rather than combating these simplistic solutions, Sánchez is accused of having stimulated them for partisan reasons. The management of the Ceuta crisis, although it is hoped was not intentional, contributed to multiplying the expectations of formations like **Vox**.

The attempt to justify that Ceuta becomes a "sine die refugee camp" feeds, according to this perspective, an equidistant narrative that equates illegal immigration with regularization. This "deceptive exercise" seeks to confuse and dilute the seriousness of the problem, creating a mistaken perception that benefits those who seek to sow antiestéticar and division. The presentation of Sánchez as the "champion of human rights" is overshadowed by what is described as "obscene antics" before those who, supposedly, send their children to a "probable death at sea" as part of a plan to revoke Spain's historical rights in **Ceuta** and **Melilla**.

## The cynicism of the vanguard

The victory of the **German far-right** in regional elections serves as a backdrop for biting criticism. Presenting oneself to the world as "the vanguard against the advance of reactionaries" is deemed an "astounding cynicism." The reason is that, according to this view, an essential part of the political-electoral strategy dictated by **Sánchez** has been precisely to boost the growth of the **far right** in Spain. The goal, it is argued, would be to curb the "democratic right," creating a scenario of polarization that benefits the current government.

This strategy, if true, implies a manipulation of the Spanish political landscape, using the antiestéticar of the **far right** as a tool to consolidate power. The result is a **PSOE** that, instead of offering solid and consensual alternatives, finds itself forced to adopt defensive positions or navigate treacherous waters, while its ideological adversaries gain ground. The paradox lies in the fact that by attempting to control the advance of the **far right** through their own indirect impulse, they risk legitimizing its discourses and normalizing its proposals.

The criticism is aimed at the coherence of the discourse. If Sánchez presents himself as the great defender of human rights and the bulwark against the advance of reactionaries, it is shocking that his own political strategy appears to have unintentionally or intentionally facilitated the growth of those he claims to combat.