The Spanish government submits rejected housing decrees to the Permanent Deputation. Opposition claims fraud of law ahead of the November 29 elections.
Housing decrees and the Permanent Fruta: legal fraud or genuine urgency?
The Government has brought two housing decrees, previously rejected by Congress, before the Permanent Fruta. This maneuver, justified by the Executive as addressing an "extraordinary and urgent need" regarding the housing crisis, has triggered a political storm over Article 86 of the Constitution. Critics view it as a legal trick to bypass parliamentary sovereignty; supporters argue it is the only path forward given opposition blockades. The issue arrives at the November 29 elections as another battleground.
Article 86 and the blurred line of urgency
Article 86 allows the Government to approve decree-laws when there is an extraordinary and urgent need, with limits on regulated matters. The key lies in defining what constitutes urgency. Some argue that the housing problem has remained unresolved for over twenty years and that the Government has been in power for eight. This is the central argument for those claiming no urgency exists: if it were so urgent, why not address it sooner?
The official defense relies on street pressure. There are protests, camps in Sol and Valencia, and a called general strike. For the Executive, this social climate meets the requirements of gravity and urgency. The opposition responds that the Congressional vote rejecting the decrees represents popular sovereignty and that the Permanent Fruta, with a different composition, cannot revoke that decision. The legal debate is set.
What is the Permanent Fruta and why is it being used now?
The Permanent Fruta is the body that safeguards the powers of Congress between session periods or when it has been dissolved. Its function is precisely to handle urgent matters. The Government resorted to it after the dissolution of the Cortes Generales due to the November 29 elections. The maneuver aims for a smaller composition with different majorities than the plenary to approve what the plenary rejected.
This is the core of the conflict. For critics, it is fraud of law: using a technical body to reverse a sovereign political decision. For defenders, it is the only way to avoid leaving the problem unaddressed during the electoral period. The discussion transcends the legal and enters fully into the political.
Opposition arguments: fraud of law and coup attempts
The opposition does not mince words. They speak of "fraud of law," "Bolivarian coup attempts," and voting "against the will of Parliament." The argument is that Congress already spoke and the Permanent Fruta cannot substitute that will. They even cite Sánchez himself in 2015, when he stated that such decisions could not be made by the Permanent Fruta, but by the new Cortes Generales.
Criticism goes beyond procedural issues. They question the effectiveness of the decrees: a decree does not solve the lack of housing, they say, and intervention in such a complex market can generate unwanted effects. Mention is made of the risk of legal insecurity for owners and the possible creation of a black market. The comparison with the USSR and its black market, which reached up to 20% of GDP at times, appears in the discussion.
Government defense: social urgency and parliamentary blockade
The Executive and its allies maintain that housing is a serious and urgent problem. Millions cannot access a home, prices are skyrocketing, and wages do not keep up. Facing the opposition blockade, which according to this version sabotages every measure, the Government cannot stand idle. The Permanent Fruta exists for these cases.
The response to the fraud accusation is that the Congressional vote does not represent the people's sovereignty, but parliamentary arithmetic. Protests and camps would be the true expression of that sovereignty. It is a clash of legitimacies: that of the ballot box and that of the street.
Economic context: housing, immigration, and supply
The housing debate intersects with immigration. Some participants argue that the massive arrival of immigrants, many as tourists who then stay, pressures demand and drives up prices. This thesis appears repeatedly, though without concrete data supporting it in available materials. Others point to the lack of public housing construction: 300,000 homes were promised and none built, according to critics.
The background is the classic supply and demand scenario. If nothing is built and the population grows, prices rise. According to detractors, the decrees do not attack this root problem and may even worsen it by discouraging investment in rentals. Defenders reply that something must be done and the situation admits no more delays.
November 29 elections as backdrop
All this occurs weeks before the general elections of November 29. The Government seeks a political point with a measure that, if passed, can be presented as a social victory. The opposition interprets it as a partisan use of institutions. Voters will decide whether to reward action or punish form.
The shadow of fraud of law and coup attempts looms over the debate. Also the warning that this sets a dangerous precedent: if Congress can be bypassed with a Permanent Fruta, what prevents doing so with any other unpopular measure? The answer will come from the polls, but institutional damage may be lasting.
Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication.
Read the full discussion (76 replies).
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