Spain's last chance to be saved, argues Irene González in Vozpópuli

Irene González argues in Vozpópuli that Spain faces its "last chance" and that the path forward runs through the PSOE finishing as the third political force behind VOX in the elections on 29 November. The author proposes using the power of the State from day one to reverse the rules of Sánchez's government.

Some columns read like a diagnosis and others work like a roadmap. The one **Irene González** published in **Vozpópuli** on **8 October 2026** belongs to the second group. Her thesis is that what happens in the coming months is not merely a change of government or the end of a cycle, but the last time Spaniards will vote while still being a majority. The author puts it without nuance: the last chance to save Spain.

The text opens with a fundamental accusation. It claims that for five decades the country's destiny has been steered by forces she describes as disintegrating — the left and sub-state separatist movements — and that those who held power did not exercise it for the common good of the nation. She adds that this period has acted as a sedative for earlier generations, who came to accept the **PSOE** (Spain's Socialist Party) as an unquestionable state institution, without distinguishing between Spain and whoever governs it. This is a political interpretation, not a fact, and should be read as such.

## 29 November and the goal of pushing the PSOE into third place

The date that anchors the column is **29 November**. González presents it as a narrow window of opportunity to send the PSOE to the dustbin of history for decades, perhaps forever. The condition she sets is specific: that the Socialist party must finish third behind **VOX**. She acknowledges that no poll points to this and that no expectation contemplates it, and answers with a phrase that sums up her position: she is not there to comment on what others expect to happen, but to build that reality.

The argument rests on a European comparison. According to the author, elsewhere in Europe socialist parties have disappeared or shrunk their parliamentary presence only when the situation of decay was already irreversible, and she cites France as an example that it can happen anywhere. From this she concludes that Spain can only avoid an ethnic civil conflict, which she attributes to the globalist far left, if it sends the PSOE into political irrelevance before what she calls the replacement through mass immigration is consummated. She adds that there will be no other elections before millions more people are organised and nationalised, which in her view would end the existence of the Spanish people.

## An omnibus decree and reforms in the BOE within 30 days

The prescriptive part of the text describes what to do if that scenario materialises. With the PSOE as the third force, the two largest parties would be the **Partido Popular** of **Núñez Feijóo** and VOX under **Santiago Abascal**. González rejects the idea that the PSOE will not disappear before the regime does, and argues that those who claim this despise the power of the State, which in her view is the only force capable of reforming it without descending into war.

Her operational proposal is an omnibus decree to restore democratic normality that wipes out everything approved by **Sánchez** on the first day, and the publication in the **BOE** (the official state gazette) within less than **30 days** of structural reforms to guarantee the survival of the nation and of the Spanish people. The key, she writes, is not to dismantle the **1978** regime on day one, but to use its power to reverse the rules of the previous government.

As for the scenario she attributes to the PSOE, the author anticipates a PP–VOX government lasting a year, with street unrest and violence, and unprecedented crises. Against this she proposes building walls on day two in office to neutralise what she calls the treacherous opposition and its tentacles outside the parties. Among the measures she lists are cutting funding to media outlets she describes as the PSOE's and the anti-Spain's directorates general, and to the associative fabric at their service, which she says is largely financed from abroad by **Soros**. She also calls for tougher penalties for the use of violence, citing the encampment at **Sol** as an example, and for purging the top institutional hierarchies which, she claims, have served against Spain. These are the author's proposals, not accomplished facts.

## The warning about a second Rajoy term

The closing is aimed at the PP. González writes that Spain cannot afford a second term of **Rajoy**, and places Feijóo opening the campaign with a focus on sick leave, alongside a **Borja Sémper** whom she describes as the representative of a cowardly, complacent mediocrity that bows to those who despise us. It is an internal critique of the right, not an electoral prediction.

The text ends with an idea that echoes its opening: what is done in the coming months will determine the course of history, and that history is decided by those who are part of it and by their determination to save Spain. The column offers no polls of its own nor seat projections, and the author herself admits that no expectation contemplates the scenario she defends. It is, therefore, a piece of opinion and political strategy, not a demographic analysis.