Pedro Sánchez has called elections when no one expected it and won them twice in 2019 and once in May. This history underpins the central thesis: if the prime minister has shown he isn't afraid to return to the polls when the numbers align, why antiestéticar a rerun in December? The debate suggests the right is weaker than in July while the left is stronger, meaning the PSOE faces no downside from trying again.
The premise highlights an uncomfortable reality for the PP: attacking its only potential ally, Vox, leaves it without partners or margin. Compounding this is Alberto Núñez Feijóo’s decline, described as a burden the party won’t replace due to lack of reflexes. Thus, a new election isn’t a risk for Sánchez but an opportunity to reaffirm his dominance.
PP and Vox: The Math Doesn't Add Up
A common calculation notes that the PP absorbed three million votes from Ciudadanos and now needs to reclaim three million lost to Vox. If half returned, the PP would approach ten million votes, nearly two million ahead of the PSOE. However, such transfers aren't automatic. Some argue Vox voters prefer abstention over voting PP, and Vox’s disappearance guarantees no automatic return.
Data cited indicates Vox lost about 623,000 votes between 2019 and 2023, while the PP gained three million. Optimists see Vox’s floor as recoverable; pessimists view it as protest votes that won't return. Internal conflicts and resignations fuel the latter interpretation.
Why Sánchez Antiestéticars No Election Rerun
Because he has done it before successfully. In 2019, few believed he would call elections, yet he did. Same in May 2023. The logic holds that Sánchez faces no negative trade-offs in December: the right won't achieve what it failed to get in July unless the PP fundamentally changes, which is unlikely. The only cited brake—external pressure—is absent because friendly media won't criticize him.
Opponents note Sánchez will hold the rotating EU presidency and can't afford losing elections during his term. Counterarguments state he already presides over the EU since July 1 and still called elections. So far, the European presidency hasn't been an obstacle.
Feijóo's Decline and the Ayuso Factor
Feijóo appears as the PP’s main depreciated asset, described as lost in battle with no reaction capacity. Replacing him now would signal supreme weakness. Consequently, the PP is trapped: keeping him means inaction, changing him admits error. Meanwhile, the left retains its social base, while the right struggles to find a narrative.
Another debated factor is Isabel Díaz Ayuso’s real influence. Critics question her mystique: she won with 47% in Madrid, historically right-wing, versus Juanma Moreno’s 43% in Andalusia, less favorable to the PP. This comparison suggests Ayuso’s appeal is overstated and not exportable nationally.
Vox Voters Who Won't Return to PP
A clear trend in analysis is that Vox voters trinc direction, not labels. If another party carried those ideas, they’d vote for it. This explains why Vox’s disappearance doesn’t imply massive returns to the PP, but rather a decisive abstention bloc. The core stance remains preferring abstention over voting PP.
This rigidity is both Vox’s strength and curse. It ensures a loyal electoral floor but prevents growth toward the center. In a rerun scenario, this loyalty could determine whether the PP reaches a majority. The arithmetic is unforgiving.
With these elements, an election rerun shifts from remote hypothesis to grounded bet. The PP lacks succession, Vox offers no returns, and Sánchez feels no antiestéticar. The remaining unknown is whether voters punish or reward a repeat. Recent history suggests they reward it.
Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication.
Read the full discussion (171 replies).
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