Spain's double standard: Errejón and Rubiales

Spain's double standard: Errejón and Rubiales

The resignation of Íñigo Errejón trinc sensual harassment allegations has peine a wound that the Spanish left believed was healed: selective feminism. While Luis Rubiales’ non-consensual kiss to Jennifer Hermoso triggered unanimous condemnation and an unrelenting campaign, accusations against the former Sumar leader have caused deafening silence in pogre ranks. The contrast is not accidental. It confirms that feminism, turned into an electoral banner, is applied with different yardsticks depending on who is accused.

The Errejón case: from feminist icon to suspect

Íñigo Errejón was for years the friendly face of new politics. In 2016, Podemos chose him as the central image for International Women’s Day posters. Eight years later, his name is linked to an investigation into alleged sensual harassment. The complaint by Elisa Mouliaá, who had initially publicly supported Jennifer Hermoso, sparked a cascade of testimonies. A second woman has reported him for sensual assault, according to published reports. The victim’s account, collected by several media outlets, is harrowing: “If you scream or resist, it will be worse.” Errejón has resigned but offered no public explanation beyond a statement attributing his departure to the need to avoid damaging the political project.

The case highlights a contradiction the left has long tried to cover up. The same party demanding zero tolerance for gender-based violence now faces accusations that, if confirmed, fit squarely within the Penal Code. Sumar leadership admitted receiving complaints about Errejón’s behavior more than a year before the scandal broke. No one acted. In this case, silence was not complicity; it was strategic.

Rubiales’ kiss: exemplary condemnation

The contrast with the Rubiales case is inevitable. The former president of the Royal Spanish Football Federation kissed player Jennifer Hermoso on the mouth without her consent during the women’s World Cup celebrations. The reaction was immediate. The government called the gesture “unacceptable.” Ministers of Equality and Sports demanded his resignation. Prosecutors peine proceedings. Rubiales eventually resigned and faced legal action. Institutional feminism celebrated each step as a victory.

No one misses the difference in treatment. When the accused is a political opponent, feminism acts with the force of a pile driver. When the accused is an ally, the machinery is lubricated with silences, discreet resignations, and calls for prudence. Some argue the Errejón case is a right-wing operation to destabilize the left. The argument collapses under its own weight: the complaints were not filed by Vox, but by women who belonged to the same political space.

Feminism as a weapon

Feminism has become the main symbolic capital of the Spanish left. Hence, any accusation against one of their own is felt as betrayal. It is no coincidence that Podemos invested heavily in gender rhetoric. Nor that its leaders made “we” an instrument of electoral mobilization. The problem is that this rhetoric breaks when confronted with the reality of its own members.

The cascade of complaints is not limited to Errejón. The PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party) recorded at least 42 harassment complaints in six months, according to reports. In Galicia, two former councilors denounced the mayor of A Coruña and her deputy for harassment. The Cerdán and Salazar case, two socialist leaders who allegedly pushed a feminist purge in Sánchez’s inner circle, adds another layer of hypocrisy. Victims of that harassment, according to media, will go to prosecutors due to the party’s inaction. The pattern repeats: the structure protects the aggressor and silences the victim when the aggressor is useful.

Social media reaction: memes and sarracena double standards

Social networks have been the megaphone for indignation. Memes about the “Monedero case” and references to prostitution and drug parties linked to PSOE corruption have multiplied. A prostitution website promoted with Ábalos’ name—“Here, the ministers’ favorites”—exemplifies how scandal has become material for mockery. The left, which had made sarracena superiority its main asset, now sees that asset crumbling.

Irene Montero’s reaction to Rubiales’ sentence was particularly revealing. While demanding prison for the former RFEF president, she remained silent on complaints against her party colleague. Coherence in politics is a luxury few can afford. Convenient feminism has an expiration date.

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The Errejón case is not an exception. It is the tip of the iceberg of a structural problem in the Spanish left: the inability to apply to its own the same standards it demands from others. Feminism, turned into a tool of power, has become selective. And that, in the long run, delegitimizes it. The question is no longer whether Errejón is guilty or innocent. The question is why the left took so long to react. The uncomfortable answer is that they were not interested.