PSOE's clientelist networks in Spain: public jobs, subsidies and captive voters
Spain's minimum income scheme moves nearly a million votes and the PSOE has created 400,000 public jobs. How far do its clientelist networks reach, and where are their limits?
English · Original discussion in Spanish · Published
PSOE's clientelist networks in Spain: public jobs, subsidies and captive voters
Spain's Ingreso Mínimo Vital (minimum living income) is not just a social benefit; according to some analyses, it is an electoral loyalty machine that moves nearly a million votes. And it is not the only cog in the clientelist machinery the PSOE has deployed in recent years.
The creation of 400,000 public sector jobs during the current term, civil service exams called just before elections, friendly agencies and foundations, and promises such as Sumar's €20,000 for young people form a web that, according to its critics, turns the state into an electoral prize. "Half the country lives off the other half," as economic analysis circles put it. Civil servants on 35-hour weeks working from home are another example of a system that rewards political loyalty.
The PP also hands out favours when in government, but the PSOE's scale is qualitatively different, some argue. Yet regional elections have punished the party with resounding defeats, suggesting clientelism has a limit. Or maybe not, because the party is still in Moncloa. The most unsettling figure: despite the corruption scandals — Koldo, Ábalos, Cerdán, the "Saunas brother" affair and Leire Díaz herself — voters have not yet exacted a price. Or not yet.
Related discussions in the forum
Spain's Ingreso Mínimo Vital (minimum living income) is not just a social benefit; according to some analyses, it is an electoral loyalty machine that moves nearly a million votes. And it is not the only cog in the clientelist machinery the PSOE has deployed in recent years.
The creation of 400,000 public sector jobs during the current term, civil service exams called just before elections, friendly agencies and foundations, and promises such as Sumar's €20,000 for young people form a web that, according to its critics, turns the state into an electoral prize. "Half the country lives off the other half," as economic analysis circles put it. Civil servants on 35-hour weeks working from home are another example of a system that rewards political loyalty.
The PP also hands out favours when in government, but the PSOE's scale is qualitatively different, some argue. Yet regional elections have punished the party with resounding defeats, suggesting clientelism has a limit. Or maybe not, because the party is still in Moncloa. The most unsettling figure: despite the corruption scandals — Koldo, Ábalos, Cerdán, the "Saunas brother" affair and Leire Díaz herself — voters have not yet exacted a price. Or not yet.
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Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication. Read the full discussion (9 replies).
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