PP's progressive turn: Feijóo and Ayuso

Feijóo claims social democracy: the PP votes with the left

The PP boasts of overturning Sánchez’s policies, but when it comes to voting, it stays still. No major laws are reversed, and in several key votes, it ends up on the same side as the left. The latest, according to linked reports, concerns prison sentences for parents and professionals opposing trans treatments for minors. Previously, the Senate amendment prohibiting "strengthening, revoking, or delaying" an abortion decision fell, approved by all groups. And hovering over the substance is a quote from Alberto Núñez Feijóo: "The PP must be in the center-left, in social democracy, in tempered socialism." Ideological drift or electoral geometry?

Why does the PP vote with the left in the Senate?

All Senate groups agreed to include an amendment in the future abortion law to prevent altering the will of a woman deciding to terminate a pregnancy. The amendment came from the Equality Committee based on a proposal by Más Madrid, and the PP backed it along with the rest. The photograph has been repeated for months.

In Madrid, the episode was more striking. Vox published a press release claiming the PP joined the left to allow trans men to compete in women's sports categories. The detail that disconcerts the right is older: Madrid's trans law, approved under Cristina Cifuentes' mandate, already included gender self-determination in its preamble, according to the text published in the Official State Gazette.

Feijóo and social democracy: Galicia as a laboratory

Feijóo has never hidden his model. Economist Rallo's analysis shows the Galician leader defines as social democratic the policies he applies in Galicia, and he himself has appealed to Aznar's "reformist center" as his natural territory. It is not campaign rhetoric.

He applauded the Constitutional Court's ruling on the abortion appeal, which left the PP with no margin: "The time-limit law is correct and constitutional." He sided with Griñán after the ERE ruling. And he called to combat "Vox's populism," in an interview where he also presented Spanish cinema as Spain's culture and industry brand. The label Feijóo 2030 repeats in the coverage.

Cuca Gamarra, Sémper, and Mañueco: changing faces

The names are not casual. Cuca Gamarra stated: "I feel further from Vox than from the PSOE, but I don't find the PSOE," and added she would have no problem attending the LGTB Pride march, as she has attended the 8-M marches. Borja Sémper maintained that Bildu is not ETA. Mañueco rejected Vox's entry into the Government and warned that "equality between men and women is non-negotiable".

Previously, Pablo Casado had made similar headlines: the PSOE is "a great party" and Vox represents the populism of easy solutions. Some argue the PP stabs Ayuso, removes Cayetana Álvarez de Toledo from the spokesperson role, and places Cuca for reasons beyond aesthetic taste.

Vox and the cordon sanitaire: from the Congress Table to Ceuta

The cordon sanitaire against Vox gave Podemos a seat on the Congress Table, a result no one had predicted in Génova. In Ceuta, the local PP broke with Vox and agreed with the PSOE on the city's budget, with the corresponding political cost. The defense offered by the party is obvious: "what laws will Vox change if it is not in any government?" The counterargument also has traction: the ones it might change, and does not change, are those the PP upholds when governing alone.

Migrant minors: the repeating figures

Trinc the links, two striking figures appear regarding the care of unaccompanied migrant minors. One: 24 million euros for 120 places over two years, averaging 100,000 euros per place per year. Another, attributed to a digital medium: 47 million euros. The figures are used as ammunition against the central Government's reception policies, although management rests with the autonomous communities.

Ayuso, the exception that proves the rule

In contrast to this block, the Madrid president appears as a counterpoint. Her positions on Abascal, gender ideology, and the parental PIN place her on another axis. She maintains that crime is not linked to people's origin, a nuance not all her party shares. That the most uncomfortable piece for Génova is what mobilizes the right the most says much about the rest.

With these threads, the question is not whether the PP has turned, but where it will turn when the electoral calendar stops pressing. No one in the material dares to date the answer.