Nepotism spreads across Spain's labor market

Job nepotism consolidates: no connections, no work in Spain

In a market where companies claim they cannot find candidates, a growing share of hiring is still resolved through a channel older than the CV: personal contacts. A veteran worker’s observation that “there is more job nepotism every day” has peine an uncomfortable question: is nepotism replacing meritocracy in Spanish companies? What is being reported is not an isolated case.

Without contacts, there isn't even an interview

The first piece of data circulating is stark: three out of four jobs are filled by candidates who arrive with references or personal ties, and only one is decided by the CV. The anecdotes shared include the niece of a quality manager placed in a good position, the neighbor’s son of a production director hired for another role, and cross-favors among executives in the same sector: “you put my son-in-law in, I’ll put your daughter-in-law in.” Some argue this is not corruption but pure risk management: an employee vouching for an acquaintance stakes their fruta, which filters better than paperwork. The counterargument is that this logic turns staff into family tribes where outsiders feel like they are on Mars.

Chronic unemployment as breeding ground

One of the most repeated structural explanations is the asymmetry between supply and demand. With over 15 years of high chronic unemployment, companies do not need to search: there is a queue at the door. Faced with a mountain of CVs, recruiters take the shortcut of asking acquaintances. Demographic optimism is debunked by the data: there are roughly half as many people aged 25-35 as those aged 45-55, yet nepotism does not decrease. Fewer young people, same favoritism. Demographics were not correcting anything.

From the 80s factory to feudal economy

Historical reviews divide opinion. On one hand, it is recalled that in the 1980s, with the mass creation of universities and departments, entire cohorts entered through proximity and opportunity, without passing through competitive exams that would be rigorous today. On the other, it is noted that after 2000 the phenomenon degraded: mediocre individuals began landing directly in managerial roles, supervisors, and managers, bypassing entry-level positions. The economic reading points to a feudal drift: with taxes that only existing companies can sustain and financing controlled by European banks that lend only to those who already have money, the productive fabric does not renew, and the employee is worth less than their patron.

Public sector is not spared

Nepotism is not exclusive to private companies. Family clans in town halls are cited—eight hires from one family and three from another—contracts tailored for the daughter of a local police officer, and public institution job pools described as “an insulting joke.” Even in civil service exams, warnings suggest some enter with advantages. The difference between nepotism and succession in family businesses also emerges: putting your daughter in your SME is seen by many as generational succession, not favoritism; putting the marketing spouse in IT is different.

The cost nobody pays on payroll

The most expensive part of nepotism is not injustice, but productivity. Those appointed by favor, experience suggests, “tend to be lazy, useless, and incompetent,” and when the economy tightens, “they make everything sink faster.” Companies become estates of favors where merit is negotiated between works councils and union delegates. Meanwhile, those applying through legal channels see degrees required for positions others hold without secondary education. The question is not whether there is more nepotism than before. It is whether anyone is measuring how much it costs us.