Moscow after sanctions: McDonald's reopens and Scottish whisky prices surge

Moscow reopens with renamed McDonald's and queues at the door

The Russian capital has returned to the normality of queues. The McDonald's that closed trinc the start of the military operation has peine under a different name, and sports brands Adidas and Nike will do so by the end of the month, according to the firsthand account of a Spanish resident currently on vacation in Moscow who has answered questions on the ground. Notably, the US chain was the only one that left: KFC and other franchises never closed. People queue "by the truckload" to enter, a behavior this observer attributes more to curiosity than necessity.

This account is not an agency report. It is the impression of a Spaniard living in Poland who crossed the border by car, not by plane, to spend a few weeks in Russia. His testimony offers a glimpse into everyday life in Moscow, far from war headlines and the ideological sides that dominate public discourse.

What has increased in price and what has not in Moscow

The price pattern he describes is uneven. Basic necessities have barely moved; some, like gasoline, have even dropped. What has noticeably become more expensive is Scottish whisky, to the point that his father complains about the cost, and New Zealand butter is in short supply, according to his mother. Graphics cards have risen by around 10%. The greatest distortion lies in airfares, especially for flights to other parts of the country.

There is a structural explanation behind this disparity: sanctions do not affect all products equally. Goods with alternative suppliers remain stable; those depending on specific imports from countries that have imposed restrictions become more expensive or disappear. The result is a shopping basket with very specific gaps.

Support for the military operation and the wear and tear of uncertainty

Asked about the social climate, this observer describes majority support for the military operation, with nuances. The most critical were liberal urban youth, but sanctions would have shifted their stance toward neutrality. What dominates now is not rejection of the intervention, but economic uncertainty. Military information, he adds, circulates freely: one of the country's most important channels belongs to the army, and Telegram is the dominant application.

This combination—political support with economic concern—explains why Russian public debate does not resemble the Western one. There is no visible fracture over the war, but there is a silent wear and tear regarding what comes next.

Tourism and procedures to enter Russia

The practical aspect has also come to light. This traveler entered by car from Poland, where he resides, not by plane. Others ask about procedures to cross the border with their own vehicle and potential problems at the airport for those flying in July. The answer is not specified in the available material, but the interest reveals that tourism to Russia has not completely stopped.

The salary comparison that debunks the narrative

A comparison of incomes emerges in the conversation, which should be taken with caution. According to the figures discussed, the Russian minimum wage would be around $250 and the average $1,200, compared to $70 and $430 in Argentina. These are data attributed to a specific intervention and not independently verified, but they serve to illustrate an argument: mockery of Russian poverty loses force when compared with other economies.

The Iron Curtain and Spain's industrial origins

The conversation shifts to a historical topic with economic implications. It is argued that Europe's division after World War II left Spain as the only cheap destination for foreign investment, explaining its industrialization between the 1960s and 90s. Without the Iron Curtain, this current argues, German and French factories would have been installed in Czechoslovakia, Poland, or Ukraine, and Spain would have remained at a level similar to a Balkan country.

The objection does not take long: Spain grew by 62% between 1963 and 1973, and there were other factors—economic opening, the depreciation of the peseta, the installation of multinational companies from around the world—that went beyond the simple absence of Eastern competition. The exchange remains open, without a closed conclusion.

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With these threads, the prediction is risky. If prices of imported goods continue to rise and airfares do not normalize, economic uncertainty may weigh more than political support. But no one in this conversation dares to put a date on the outcome.