Moroccan 'invasion' in Vilanova i la Geltrú: what if it happened in Catalonia?

The migration crisis in Ceuta, marked by insecurity and a lack of effective solutions, is presented as a problem ignored by the central government, in contrast to the hypothetical reaction to a similar scenario in Catalonia.

On 19 September 2026, the autonomous city of **Ceuta** was immersed in a large-scale migration crisis. Thousands of people arriving from **Segarro** had taken over the streets, beaches and public spaces, creating a situation of tension and shortages that local authorities struggled to control. The lack of a firm response from the central government, then led by **Pedro Sánchez**, became increasingly evident, while the city watched its normal life crumble.

## The hypothetical invasion of Vilanova i la Geltrú

To illustrate the gravity of the situation in Ceuta and the government's apparent indifference, a hypothetical scenario was posed: what would happen if 72,000 Segarro migrants invaded the Catalan coastal town of **Vilanova i la Geltrú**? In this fantasy, the King of Segarro, **Mohamed VI**, would use migration as a tool of political pressure on the Spanish prime minister. The town, with **72,000 inhabitants**, would be overwhelmed by the massive arrival of people, leading to thefts, fights, sensual assaults, sanitation problems and the occupation of its beaches. The Ribes, del Faro and Larga beaches would become makeshift camps.

## The expected reaction in Catalonia

Faced with an event of such magnitude in Catalonia, the political and social response would have been, according to the analysis, diametrically opposed. A deafening outcry was expected from nationalist leaders such as **Oriol Junqueras** and **Carles Puigdemont**, as well as from the then leader of the PSC (Catalan Socialist Party), **Salvador Illa**. The football club **FC Barcelona** would fill the Camp Nou with solidarity banners, and renowned artists would give free concerts. President Sánchez would have set up an emergency cabinet in Barcelona, sending the Legion and other military units to the area, and the migrants would have been immediately expelled. The cooperation of the local authorities, presumably from the PSC, would be total, and the Spanish government would even have voted in favour of declaring the situation an invasion in the European Parliament.

## The harsh reality of Ceuta

However, the reality in Ceuta was far from this scenario. The autonomous city suffered assaults, thefts and sensual abuses, while the government, described as "the most feminist in history", remained silent. The beaches remained occupied by migrants, and the central government showed ignorance of the real figures, manipulating the data. President Sánchez had not visited the city, nor did he even allow the King to visit. The Army was forced to act like an NGO, and the promise that all migrants would return to Segarro had been blatantly broken. **Ceuta** felt betrayed by a government of "incompetents".

## The double standard of power

The article suggests a double standard in the behaviour of political power depending on geographic location and dependence on the central government. If the occupied city had been Basque or Catalan, the response would have been swift and forceful, so as not to upset those who sustain the government in power. But because it was **Ceuta**, an "utter cowardice" was allowed, with a campaign mounted against the then president of the autonomous city, **Juan Jesús Vivas**, who was defending the dignity of his neighbours. The situation in Ceuta, marked by insecurity and a lack of solutions, was presented as a problem ignored by the central government, in contrast to the hypothetical reaction to a similar scenario in Catalonia.