Julio Martínez tells court Zapatero tipped him off about Plus Ultra bailout

Zapatero in the spotlight: Julio Martínez confesses the former prime minister gave him advance word of the Plus Ultra bailout

Did José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero know that the Plus Ultra bailout was going ahead before the Council of Ministers approved it? According to businessman Julio Martínez's testimony before the judge, the answer is yes. Martínez, known as 'Julito', has begun cooperating with the courts as part of the 'Plus Ultra case' and has revealed that the former prime minister told him in advance that the government was going to give the green light to the airline's rescue. The information, published by El Mundo on 21 July 2026, places Zapatero at the centre of a scheme that has already brought several of those involved before the courts.

The bailout's path: who decides?

The debate now centres on the chain of decisions. While some point to the SEPI (Spain's state industrial holding company) as the body responsible for preparing and evaluating the proposal, others note that final approval rests with the Council of Ministers. The unavoidable question hanging over it all: if Zapatero already knew the outcome, was there pressure on cabinet members? And if so, which ministers were influenced, and how? The shadow of corruption extends beyond Plus Ultra. In the same context, earlier bailouts are mentioned, such as that of Air Europa —handled by the SEPI under the direction of Vicente Fernández and Bartolomé Lora— and that of Tubos Reunidos, where the PNV acted as mediator.

The 'three tenors' of corruption

The case has inevitably drawn comparisons. Some observers suggest that Julio Martínez, Víctor de Aldama and the former SEPI executive Leire could become a kind of reincarnation of the 'three tenors' of corruption in Spain. Judicial pressure on Leire is mounting; the authorities have had her in their sights for months. Meanwhile, Martínez's confession destroys Zapatero's defence strategy, which until now had denied any direct involvement.

The end of this story is still a long way off. What is clear is that the tangle is unravelling: first came the Plus Ultra executives, then those of the SEPI, and now the former prime minister. If Martínez's testimony is credible, the question is not whether Zapatero knew, but how many others did. And that, in a country where political corruption seems bottomless, is an irony that only provokes a bitter smile.