Iustitia Europa: from challenging Spain's 9J election to suing the Government

Iustitia Europa: from scrutinising the 9J vote to suing the Government

In June 2024, a party without seats showed up at the Provincial Electoral Boards to demand a full recount. It complained that they were banned from filming, that votes were being erased, and that the Central Electoral Commission (Junta Electoral Central) ignored them. Two years on, Iustitia Europa has turned the courts into its parliamentary seat: it challenged the European elections before the Supreme Court, filed incivil complaints against ministers and against the leader of Vox, and is now seeking to join cases such as those of Begoña Gómez or Plus Ultra. The question is whether all this legal action will win them votes or just headlines.

On 9 June 2024 Iustitia Europa contested the European elections and won 27,407 votes, according to its own count. After the full recount, that figure dropped to 26,611. The party spoke of an "armed robbery" and votes "stolen" at counting boards where it had no poll watchers. It filed around ten appeals in Tarragona, Palma, Cádiz, Sevilla, Huelva, Córdoba, Murcia, Málaga, Tenerife, Almería and Madrid. All were rejected. The next step was an electoral review appeal before the Supreme Court, with six grounds for nullity, including the ban on filming the count and the appointment of Pilar Teso as vice-president of the Central Electoral Commission.

From the European elections to the Constitutional Court: the courtroom strategy

The party led by Luis María Pardo did not stop at the recount. In parallel, Iustitia Europa joined as a private prosecution (acusación popular) in the case over the rail accident in Adamuz (Córdoba), which left more than forty dead, and filed a complaint before the Supreme Court against the entire Council of Ministers over the Plus Ultra bailout, 53 million euros approved in March 2021. It also reported to the Public Prosecutor's Office possible pressure in that case, trinc reports from the UDEF (police financial crimes unit) that recorded expressions such as "the chief prosecutor is a friend" or "this has to be stopped".

The drip-feed of legal actions has drawn the profile of a party that thrives on lawsuits. A complaint against Santiago Abascal for alleged treason against Spain; a complaint against Health Minister Mónica García for insults and hate; a report against Pedro Sánchez. And joining corruption cases: Begoña Gómez, the Pegasus case. The funding for these private prosecutions comes, according to the party itself, from contributions by its members and supporters.

The overseas electoral roll and the grandchildren law: another front

The latest chapter has involved the electoral roll for residents abroad (CERA). Iustitia Europa reported mass registrations through the grandchildren law (a Spanish law granting citizenship to grandchildren of Spanish emigrants) and demanded to know which province each new voter was assigned to. The Supreme Court kept precautionary measures in place over certain registrations for the 29N elections and criticised the State for failing to prove compliance. The party asked the Constitutional Court to halt the Ombudsman's urgent motion and demanded 24-hour deadlines under threat of coercive fines. The matter remains open: the Supreme Court has referred the case to the Central Electoral Commission and the State Legal Service for submissions within 48 hours.

Who is behind Luis María Pardo?

The candidate for Prime Minister is an unusual profile. A former navy ensign, a former Civil Guard for twelve years, a taxi driver in Italy and a lawyer trained at the UNED (Spain's distance-learning university). He studied for his degree during his night shifts in the taxi and earned top honours in International Law. He speaks English and Italian. His biography has become a campaign asset among those who distrust career politicians.

The scepticism: UPyD also won in court

Not everyone buys the story. The comparison with UPyD comes up quickly: Rosa Díez's party spent millions in the courts, won corruption cases and disappeared when a younger, more media-savvy party ate up its space. The question is whether Iustitia Europa can turn litigation into an electoral structure or whether it will remain a pressure group with a party label. There are no polls; there are signatures. The party has had to gather endorsements in Madrid to stand in the 29N general election.

The programme: individual freedom and the 2030 Agenda

The ideology that has been laid out in the debate includes opposition to the 2030 Agenda, to supranational organisations and to mandatory digital ID. Iustitia Europa announced legal action against the imposition of age verification for prono, comparing it to the elbichito certificate. It has also taken to court a privately held gala funded with public money involving administrations from the PP, VOX and PSOE. And it has reported the migration crisis in Ceuta to the National Court, the International Incivil Court and the EU, where according to its figures more than 70,000 people crossed in two days.

The exact point where the analysis gets stuck

Iustitia Europa's strategy has a cost and a limit. The cost is slowness: electoral appeals are resolved within weeks, but complaints against officials with legal privilege can take years. The limit is the ability to turn court rulings into votes. For now, the Supreme Court has admitted for processing the claim over the European election count, and the European Court of Human Rights has also accepted a claim. These are procedural victories. They are not seats. And meanwhile, the electoral calendar keeps ticking.