Gonzalo Miró and 'good corruption': the double-standards debate in Spain
Spanish pundit Gonzalo Miró distinguishes between 'good' and 'bad' corruption. The debate reveals public exasperation and the perception that all parties are the same.
English · Original discussion in Spanish · Published
Gonzalo Miró and the 'good corruption' theory: a political survival manual
Spanish TV pundit Gonzalo Miró has sparked controversy again by distinguishing between 'good' and 'bad' corruption. Far from going unnoticed, his remarks have peine the old debate about double standards in Spain's political class. According to his argument —sketched out on television— not all corrupt practices deserve the same reproach: some pursue collective ends (or at least do not directly harm the public purse), while others are mere personal enrichment.
Normalizing the abnormal?
The reaction was immediate and mostly critical. Some argue that this kind of rhetoric helps normalize corruption, lowering the threshold of social tolerance. 'The rabble is distracted by petty schemes while the big bosses get away scot-free,' one analysis of the distracting effect of minor cases summed up. Others point out that the distinction between 'good' and 'bad' is a rhetorical device to justify the unjustifiable — changing laws to stay in power, as peine in certain high-profile cases.
Voting for the lesser evil: fatalism as a platform
Against Miró's distinction, a current of thought has emerged that rejects any ethical hierarchy among the corrupt. 'You have to vote for the least bad, the least corrupt. Since they're all corrupt anyway,' sums up a stance that reflects public exasperation. This electoral fatalism has led some to look for alternatives outside the two-party system, calling for new players who will air out 'all the crap.' A tension that shows how far discontent with the political class knows no party colors: PP, PSOE or any other party of the establishment are seen as part of the same problem.
The real cost of corruption
Beyond the sarracena debate, corruption has a tangible economic cost. Studies by the Banco de España (Spain's central bank) estimate that corrupt practices cost between 0.5 and 1 percentage point of GDP per year, although no exact figure appears in the thread. What is clear is that public perception goes beyond legal sanctions: the sense of impunity and the lack of political accountability feed a climate of disaffection that erodes trust in institutions.
Miró's controversial intervention has at least served to put an uncomfortable question on the table: does Spanish society accept a certain dose of corruption as long as the ends are 'acceptable'? Judging by the reactions, the answer seems to be a resounding no. But while the debate remains open, the corrupt —on both sides— will probably keep sleeping soundly.
Spanish TV pundit Gonzalo Miró has sparked controversy again by distinguishing between 'good' and 'bad' corruption. Far from going unnoticed, his remarks have peine the old debate about double standards in Spain's political class. According to his argument —sketched out on television— not all corrupt practices deserve the same reproach: some pursue collective ends (or at least do not directly harm the public purse), while others are mere personal enrichment.
Normalizing the abnormal?
The reaction was immediate and mostly critical. Some argue that this kind of rhetoric helps normalize corruption, lowering the threshold of social tolerance. 'The rabble is distracted by petty schemes while the big bosses get away scot-free,' one analysis of the distracting effect of minor cases summed up. Others point out that the distinction between 'good' and 'bad' is a rhetorical device to justify the unjustifiable — changing laws to stay in power, as peine in certain high-profile cases.
Voting for the lesser evil: fatalism as a platform
Against Miró's distinction, a current of thought has emerged that rejects any ethical hierarchy among the corrupt. 'You have to vote for the least bad, the least corrupt. Since they're all corrupt anyway,' sums up a stance that reflects public exasperation. This electoral fatalism has led some to look for alternatives outside the two-party system, calling for new players who will air out 'all the crap.' A tension that shows how far discontent with the political class knows no party colors: PP, PSOE or any other party of the establishment are seen as part of the same problem.
The real cost of corruption
Beyond the sarracena debate, corruption has a tangible economic cost. Studies by the Banco de España (Spain's central bank) estimate that corrupt practices cost between 0.5 and 1 percentage point of GDP per year, although no exact figure appears in the thread. What is clear is that public perception goes beyond legal sanctions: the sense of impunity and the lack of political accountability feed a climate of disaffection that erodes trust in institutions.
Miró's controversial intervention has at least served to put an uncomfortable question on the table: does Spanish society accept a certain dose of corruption as long as the ends are 'acceptable'? Judging by the reactions, the answer seems to be a resounding no. But while the debate remains open, the corrupt —on both sides— will probably keep sleeping soundly.
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Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication. Read the full discussion (21 replies).
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