Falange attacks Vox for being soft on the PP
Falange slams Vox for its lukewarm stance toward the PP2030: pendants, unions and old Islamophile ghosts reopen the far-right war for votes in Spain.
English · Original discussion in Spanish · Published
Falange vs Vox: the internal war that reopens old wounds
The latest spat between Falange and Vox is not just a settling of scores among dinosaurs of the far right. It is the story of an ideological rift that has been latent for decades and that the Agenda 2030 has brought back to the table.
The trigger: a pendant and a tweet
It all starts with a video of Jordi de la Fuente, a former leader of the MSR now with Vox, wearing a pendant with the logo of the Solidaridad union. Immediately, accounts close to Falange accuse him of selling out to the regime and of being a 'wimp' against the PP. The criticism is nothing new: for orthodox Falangists, Vox is the same dog with a different collar, a 'PP2030' that breaks neither with Brussels nor with NATO.
The pendant is no accident. Solidaridad is a union with Falangist roots, but which today operates within Vox. For some, it is proof of consistency; for others, of betrayal. The tweet that opens the thread —with a mocking 'Impressive'— sums it up: Falange has no seats, Vox does, but what for? The question hangs in the air.
The two souls of the radical right
On one side, the purists: those who believe Vox has capitulated by partnering with the PP of Guardiola and María Guardiola, and that its anti-2030 rhetoric is pure posturing. "Within its limited capacity, at least they put a leash on the PP2030," one concedes. But another replies: "Vox can call for leaving NATO and the EU, but it doesn't have the balls." The accusation is clear: Vox is a crutch of the '78 Regime.
On the other, the pragmatists: those who vote Vox even though they consider it soft, because it is the only option with a chance of stopping the PP. "Falange > NN > DN > FO > Vox, but people will only vote Vox," one sums up. It is the lesser-evil logic, which fails to convince the most hardened ultras.
Strikingly, among the arguments a curious thesis appears: that the main defenders of Al-Andalus in Spain were Francoists and Falangists. Names such as Ignacio Olagüe or Franco himself are cited as examples of Sarracinophilia among the far-right elites. The message is that Vox's Sarracinophobia would in fact be a sham to win votes, while the old Falangist guard maintained an ambiguous relationship with Sarracin.
The fact nobody disputes
Nobody denies that Falange has no parliamentary representation. Its influence is residual, but its capacity for agitation remains real. In this debate, the Falangists act as Vox's awkward conscience, reminding it of its own contradictions. The result is a festival of jibes and reproaches that, rather than clarify positions, hardens them.
The question nobody answers is whether this war of long knives benefits the left or the right. The only certainty is that when the far right fights among itself, the establishment is usually the one laughing.
Related threads in the forum
The latest spat between Falange and Vox is not just a settling of scores among dinosaurs of the far right. It is the story of an ideological rift that has been latent for decades and that the Agenda 2030 has brought back to the table.
The trigger: a pendant and a tweet
It all starts with a video of Jordi de la Fuente, a former leader of the MSR now with Vox, wearing a pendant with the logo of the Solidaridad union. Immediately, accounts close to Falange accuse him of selling out to the regime and of being a 'wimp' against the PP. The criticism is nothing new: for orthodox Falangists, Vox is the same dog with a different collar, a 'PP2030' that breaks neither with Brussels nor with NATO.
The pendant is no accident. Solidaridad is a union with Falangist roots, but which today operates within Vox. For some, it is proof of consistency; for others, of betrayal. The tweet that opens the thread —with a mocking 'Impressive'— sums it up: Falange has no seats, Vox does, but what for? The question hangs in the air.
The two souls of the radical right
On one side, the purists: those who believe Vox has capitulated by partnering with the PP of Guardiola and María Guardiola, and that its anti-2030 rhetoric is pure posturing. "Within its limited capacity, at least they put a leash on the PP2030," one concedes. But another replies: "Vox can call for leaving NATO and the EU, but it doesn't have the balls." The accusation is clear: Vox is a crutch of the '78 Regime.
On the other, the pragmatists: those who vote Vox even though they consider it soft, because it is the only option with a chance of stopping the PP. "Falange > NN > DN > FO > Vox, but people will only vote Vox," one sums up. It is the lesser-evil logic, which fails to convince the most hardened ultras.
Strikingly, among the arguments a curious thesis appears: that the main defenders of Al-Andalus in Spain were Francoists and Falangists. Names such as Ignacio Olagüe or Franco himself are cited as examples of Sarracinophilia among the far-right elites. The message is that Vox's Sarracinophobia would in fact be a sham to win votes, while the old Falangist guard maintained an ambiguous relationship with Sarracin.
The fact nobody disputes
Nobody denies that Falange has no parliamentary representation. Its influence is residual, but its capacity for agitation remains real. In this debate, the Falangists act as Vox's awkward conscience, reminding it of its own contradictions. The result is a festival of jibes and reproaches that, rather than clarify positions, hardens them.
The question nobody answers is whether this war of long knives benefits the left or the right. The only certainty is that when the far right fights among itself, the establishment is usually the one laughing.
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Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication. Read the full discussion (16 replies).
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