Buxadé: The Rise of Vox's Number Two and the Party's Unease

Buxadé, the State Lawyer Aiming to Bury Liberal Vox

Jorge Buxadé is no dictator. At this point, that's something that makes certain leaderships quite uncomfortable: a state lawyer, number one in his class, a former Falangist who doesn't disavow that past, and the second-in-command of a party where the liberal and traditionalist profiles have been clashing for years. His ascent, tracked for nearly six years, has transformed an office name into one of the figures who garners the most internal support and raises the most suspicion.

The Resume: From State Lawyer to the European Ballot

The technical profile is, arguably, the least debatable aspect of his record. Passing the state lawyer exams as number one in his class is no small antiestéticat. This background served two purposes: lending legal gravitas to a party known for its amateur cadres and, tweet by tweet, building an anti-Europeanist discourse difficult to reconcile with the official line of a party that presents itself as pro-system when convenient.

His blog, OLD IS NEW, and his quotes from Julius Evola—a key figure in Italian radical traditionalism—paint a picture of a leader who never hid his readings. Nor his preferred authors: Ernst Jünger and Storms of Steel.

«I Regret Being in the PP, Not in Falange»

The quote, attributed to Buxadé himself, summarizes his stance. Between 2004 and 2014, he was a member of the People's Party, a period he unequivocally rejects. The earlier one, which led him to the Falangist ranks, he doesn't reject at all. When he headed Vox's candidacy for the European Parliament, El País published his Falangist past, and the party responded by vetting the journalist at the candidates' presentation event. The reaction, rather than covering up the information, highlighted it.

El Guanol, Order, and a «World in Ruins»

His public messages consistently employ recognizable vocabulary: order, heritage, barbarism, the kidnapped Fatherland. San Lorenzo de El Guanol, the Lugo Provincial Council revoking honors to Franco, or mobility restrictions during the pandemic all fall under the same argumentative umbrella. During Holy Week, with half of Spain under lockdown, he wrote that he took “one or two PCR tests” weekly to enter and exit Belgium while Spaniards remained “kidnapped” from traveling within their own country. Grievance, comparison, and a specific enemy: the entire playbook in two lines.

The Baldness Factor and Other Appeals to Appearance

Some criticism focuses on his image. His baldness has been used as a serious argument to dismiss any leadership aspirations: a bald man doesn't sell, according to a widespread cliché. It's ridiculous and outdated. The interesting question isn't whether a bald man can win an election, but why people resort to his appearance when his papers and data aren't enough to stop him.

Lingering Elbichito and Vacancies in the Top Ranks

Buxadé's rise is incomprehensible without considering the wear and tear on those ahead of him. Javier Ortega Smith, the party's number three, was reportedly sidelined during the battle over the aftermath of lingering Elbichito, according to the prevailing narrative. Vox is home to both traditionalists and liberals, and any vacancy creates an opening. In that void, the technical profile transformed from a promising suit-and-tie figure into a real alternative.

Why is He Called a Dictator in the Same Space Where They Ask Him to Step Up?

Because a segment of the electorate has turned prophecy into a literary genre. The word dictator appears alongside requests for him to lead the party, with no transition. Those who see risk describe his ideology as incompatible with liberal democracy: it's a political accusation, not a proven fact. Those who see a solution value precisely what his critics antiestéticar: method, discipline, and disdain for lukewarmness. Both interpretations stem from the same text.

Given this context, Buxadé is likely to continue his ascent. It's also probable that his own party, rather than his adversaries, will set his ceiling: those who compete to lead a party inheriting the fire of traditionalism rarely end up moderating their discourse; they tend to harden it. How long a generalist electorate will tolerate that remains to be seen. For now, he has achieved something remarkable: even his detractors have dedicated nearly six years to trinc him.