Aldama case exposes deepening corruption scandal for Spain's PSOE

Horizonte and the Aldama case: corruption engulfing Spain's PSOE

Is the Aldama case the final blow to Pedro Sánchez's government, or just another chapter in an endless saga? The Horizonte broadcast dedicated to the corruption network surrounding fixer Víctor de Aldama has reignited debate over how far executive responsibility extends within a web of public contracts, commissions, and intermediaries involving Begoña Gómez, the president's vvife, and former Socialist officials José Ábalos and Koldo García. Some argue this scheme multiplies by one hundred the corruption of the Bárcenas case that toppled Mariano Rajoy's government. The question is no longer whether corruption exists, but how long it takes for the executive to fall.

The Aldama case: from fixer to key witness

Víctor de Aldama appeared before the judge and was released on precautionary measures after directly naming Pedro Sánchez, José Ábalos, and Begoña Gómez. According to circulating reports, Aldama allegedly organized a hunting event in Ciudad Real in February 2023 to entertain FBI and CIA attachés in Spain at the request of the Civil Guard, receiving the Medal of Merit for "solving matters" the Institute could not handle alone. This detail, seemingly anecdotal, illustrates an opaque relationship between the fixer and state institutions that many analysts consider the tip of the iceberg.

The plot extends to names like Koldo García, Ábalos' former advisor, and Begoña Gómez herself, whose professional activity has been questioned due to her alleged link with public contracts awarded to companies that also allegedly paid commissions to Aldama. Available data points to a network operating for years with the connivance, or at least knowledge, of senior PSOE officials and the Ministry of Interior.

Government response and media silence

As the case pogre, the government denies everything wholesale. The official strategy involves diverting attention to other issues, such as the controversy between Broncano and Pablo Motos, which some analyses suggest was designed to distract from the Aldama affair. This media distraction technique is common during periods of maximum political pressure, but the volume of information emerging weekly makes it difficult to sustain the official narrative.

Journalist Bea Talegón, present on the program, hinted that deliberately false or confusing information about the number of deaths in the Bonaire parking lot was circulated to various media outlets to discredit those providing accurate information. According to this version, a Civil Guard officer insisted on a specific figure to press teams that later proved incorrect. If confirmed, this maneuver would form part of a broader strategy of disinformation from power.

PSOE corruption compared to the Bárcenas case

Comparison with the Bárcenas case is inevitable. That slush fund scandal in the PP ended with Mariano Rajoy leaving La Moncloa and Luis Bárcenas imprisoned. Now, the names appearing in the Aldama case are more numerous and significant: Aldama, Begoña Gómez, Pedro Sánchez's brother, the president himself, Koldo, Ábalos, Delcy Rodríguez, María José Montero, Óscar Puente, Santos Cerdán, and Marlaska. The list is long and varied, touching both economic and institutional spheres.

One of the most striking episodes involves Marlaska's personal bodyguard, who allegedly used an official car to acompañante 368 kilos of cocaine to Seville. It is unknown how many kilos were transported in previous months, but the involvement of a member of the Interior Minister's security team in a drug trafficking operation of this magnitude indicates the depth of the problem. Added to this is the case of a police inspector specializing in money laundering who had 20 million euros at home.

Why no motion of censure?

Many ask why a motion of censure against the government has not been filed given the scale of the corruption. The answer points to Catalan and Basque parties, accused of looking the other way because they only seek to fill their pockets and maintain their share of power. This lack of parliamentary alternative leaves the executive in a position of weakness but also impunity, at least until justice delivers a verdict.

Meanwhile, civil society watches with disbelief as revelations pile up without immediate political consequences. The sense that impunity has taken root in institutions is increasingly widespread, fueling discontent toward the political class in general.

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With these elements, the fall of the government seems a matter of time. Or perhaps not. Because in this country, we have learned that corruption does not always bring down those who should be held accountable, and that sometimes forgetfulness is the best ally of thieves.