Why do Spain's fooled voters defend the very people impoverishing them?
80% of Spaniards cannot pay their electricity bill or fill their shopping basket. Why does the Vox voter defend those who impoverish him? An analysis of the political and economic paradox.
English · Original discussion in Spanish · Published
The paradox of the impoverished voter: why do you defend the people sinking you?
80% of Spaniards cannot pay their electricity bill or fill their shopping basket. That claim, repeated ad nauseam in recent years, has become the mantra of a segment of the population that, nevertheless, provides electoral support to political parties whose economic proposals deepen precarity. The uncomfortable question is: why does the Vox voter, the epitome of the "bullfight fan" in debate slang, defend those who are making him poorer?
The key lies in the narrative. While some point the finger at globalist elites and large corporations —electricity oligopolies, supermarket chains, vulture funds—, others cling to the argument that the current government has been in power for seven years and the situation has only gotten worse. The clash of narratives has created a divide that goes beyond mere ideology: it is the fight to assign blame.
The SMI and the wage-hike trap
Pedro Sánchez's government has raised the SMI (Spain's statutory minimum wage) and announced measures to curb speculation. However, critics point out that only a minority earns the SMI and that energy and food prices have risen far above the official CPI. Concrete figures from the debate: since 1990, the prices of basic goods would have multiplied twentyfold, while real wages have not kept pace. The paradox is that those who denounce this situation are branded "benefit sponges" for defending the status quo, while those who vote for parties promising radical change are the very ones validating the system that impoverishes them.
Who takes the lion's share of the electricity bill?
Electricity is the perfect example. 80% of Spain's electricity is generated from renewables, whose marginal cost is nearly zero. Yet the final price is indexed to natural gas, which produces windfall profits for the power companies. Faced with this rip-off, the Vox voter refuses to attack the companies and prefers to go after the government. The reason: the antiestéticar that any state intervention will be labelled "communist" or "globalist". So they would rather defend the "sharks" robbing them than support measures that could ease the strain on their wallets.
The figure nobody disputes: the loss of purchasing power
Beyond partisan squabbles, there is a tacit consensus: the purchasing power of the average Spaniard has collapsed since the early 2000s. The figures on personal insolvency proceedings leave no room for doubt. Meanwhile, the political response swings between talk of a "socio-communist dictatorship" and uncritical defence of recent governments. The impoverished voter is trapped in a loop: he votes for whoever promises a hard line against the elites, but those same people never touch the real oligopolistic interests.
The final question hangs in the air: if the majority cannot make ends meet, why does the discourse of economic freedom and free markets remain hegemonic among those who suffer its consequences most? The answer, probably, lies not in election manifestos but in the ability of certain narratives to make people believe the enemy is out there, while the scissors are wielded by the usual suspects.
Related debates in the forum
80% of Spaniards cannot pay their electricity bill or fill their shopping basket. That claim, repeated ad nauseam in recent years, has become the mantra of a segment of the population that, nevertheless, provides electoral support to political parties whose economic proposals deepen precarity. The uncomfortable question is: why does the Vox voter, the epitome of the "bullfight fan" in debate slang, defend those who are making him poorer?
The key lies in the narrative. While some point the finger at globalist elites and large corporations —electricity oligopolies, supermarket chains, vulture funds—, others cling to the argument that the current government has been in power for seven years and the situation has only gotten worse. The clash of narratives has created a divide that goes beyond mere ideology: it is the fight to assign blame.
The SMI and the wage-hike trap
Pedro Sánchez's government has raised the SMI (Spain's statutory minimum wage) and announced measures to curb speculation. However, critics point out that only a minority earns the SMI and that energy and food prices have risen far above the official CPI. Concrete figures from the debate: since 1990, the prices of basic goods would have multiplied twentyfold, while real wages have not kept pace. The paradox is that those who denounce this situation are branded "benefit sponges" for defending the status quo, while those who vote for parties promising radical change are the very ones validating the system that impoverishes them.
Who takes the lion's share of the electricity bill?
Electricity is the perfect example. 80% of Spain's electricity is generated from renewables, whose marginal cost is nearly zero. Yet the final price is indexed to natural gas, which produces windfall profits for the power companies. Faced with this rip-off, the Vox voter refuses to attack the companies and prefers to go after the government. The reason: the antiestéticar that any state intervention will be labelled "communist" or "globalist". So they would rather defend the "sharks" robbing them than support measures that could ease the strain on their wallets.
The figure nobody disputes: the loss of purchasing power
Beyond partisan squabbles, there is a tacit consensus: the purchasing power of the average Spaniard has collapsed since the early 2000s. The figures on personal insolvency proceedings leave no room for doubt. Meanwhile, the political response swings between talk of a "socio-communist dictatorship" and uncritical defence of recent governments. The impoverished voter is trapped in a loop: he votes for whoever promises a hard line against the elites, but those same people never touch the real oligopolistic interests.
The final question hangs in the air: if the majority cannot make ends meet, why does the discourse of economic freedom and free markets remain hegemonic among those who suffer its consequences most? The answer, probably, lies not in election manifestos but in the ability of certain narratives to make people believe the enemy is out there, while the scissors are wielded by the usual suspects.
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Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication. Read the full discussion (41 replies).
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