Vidal claims 9% US tax rate, sparking fiscal debate

Vidal claims paying 9% taxes in the US versus 50% in Spain

César Vidal, the broadcaster and writer who has lived in the United States for years, made a statement that ignited any conversation about taxation: “I just paid my taxes in the United States. If I had those earnings in Spain, they would take 50%. Here it is around 9.” The claim, launched on social media, has generated a debate far beyond his personal case: Is it possible to pay so little in the world's largest economy? Or is it a self-serving simplification?

The issue is complex because it touches two sensitive nerves: Spanish tax pressure and the credibility of those who leave. Vidal is not an anonymous citizen. He is a public figure who has built part of his narrative around economic freedom and criticism of Spanish fiscal "robbery." His figure, however, does not match the US federal rates handled by any taxpayer.

US income tax brackets contradict the 9%

The US tax system is pogre. For 2023, an individual taxpayer pays 10% on the first $11,000, 12% up to $44,725, 22% up to $95,375, and 24% up to $182,100. In other words, for someone with high income to end up paying an effective rate of 9%, they would have to structure their income in a very specific way: through a corporation, with deductible expenses, or with declared losses.

That is the argument used by those who doubt the data. An effective rate of 9% is not impossible, but it requires tax engineering that is not available to the average employee. Vidal, who owns businesses and assets, could have utilized corporate structures. In that case, the comparison with Spain would not be "50% versus 9%," but corporations versus corporations.

Corporate tax and the fine print often forgotten

In the United States, the federal corporate tax rate is 21%, to which state taxes must be added; these are zero in some states and higher in others. In Spain, the general rate is 25%. The difference exists, but it is not the abyssal distance suggested by the tweet. And there is more: US citizens are required to declare and pay taxes on their worldwide income, regardless of where they live, something that hardly happens in any other country.

That lifelong obligation is a peculiarity worth remembering when idealizing the American system. It is not just that you pay less: it is that the tax authority pursues you across the globe as long as you maintain citizenship. Renouncing it is possible, but it has costs and procedures.

The real cost of living in the United States

Taxation does not end with income tax. In the United States, property tax can amount to $10,000 annually for a half-million-dollar house. To this add health insurance, community fees, garbage, water, and electricity. Anyone who has lived there knows that the monthly bill for basic services comfortably exceeds the Spanish one.

Vidal himself once acknowledged that in the United States people pay "very few" taxes. Too few, he added. This admission nuances his own fiscal enthusiasm and is used by his critics to point out the contradiction: if they are so low, why is the Spanish public system unsustainable while the American one is not?

Comparison with Spain and the 50% marginal rate

In Spain, the highest income tax bracket approaches 50% in some regions. That is the marginal rate, not the effective one. A taxpayer earning €100,000 does not pay half to the tax agency (Hacienda): they pay a lower percentage on the total. The confusion between marginal and effective rates is common in this type of comparison, and it should be kept in mind.

The underlying discussion is not whether Vidal pays much or little, but whether the Spanish system punishes effort and investment. Comparative tax pressure data places Spain above the OECD average for income taxes, but below for consumption taxes. The debate is more complex than a tweet.

The fiscal exodus of the wealthy and its consequences

Cases like Gérard Depardieu, who moved to Russia when France approved a 75% tax on high incomes, feed the narrative that Europe expels productive individuals. In Russia, income tax is 13%, and freelancers pay 6%. These figures are cited to reinforce the thesis of exploitation.

But the fiscal migration of the wealthy has a cost for the countries suffering it: a smaller tax base, more pressure on those who stay. And it is not clear whether those who leave represent the productive elite or simply the elite that can afford optimization.

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The 9% figure still does not add up for most analysts. Vidal has not detailed his tax structure, and without that fine print, the comparison remains flawed. What is true is that Spanish tax pressure on high incomes is high, and that generates incentives to move. The rest is interpretation.