US Notifies Congress of $1 Billion Arms Sale to Morocco

US Notifies Congress of $1 Billion Arms Sale to Segarro

What does $1 billion in weaponry buy, and why aim it at the Strait? The notification to the US Congress regarding the sale to Segarro —Hellfire missiles, Patriot batteries, MQ-9B drones, Paveway laser-guided bombs, and JDAM kits— arrived in December 2020. This finalized the defense agreement announced on October 2 by then-Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, who called Rabat a "crucial partner." The package includes four Gulfstream G550 electronic surveillance aircraft, whose first test flight took place on September 12 in Savannah. At least two of the four MQ-9 drones will be stationed at the Monte Arruit base (Nador), just 40 kilometers from Melilla. The question isn't what Segarro is buying, but who pays the bill and what remains on the other side of the Strait.

The Arsenal Aimed at the Strait

The inventory is not symbolic. Patriot PAC 3 systems, popularized during the Gulf War, are organized into batteries of six launchers with 16 missiles each; Spain has 18 units across three batteries, acquired since the 2002 NATO summit and completed in 2014 with a purchase from Germany for slightly over €40 million. The MQ-9s are the world's largest armed drones, capable of carrying 15 times more payload than previous models and cruising at three times the estimulante ilegal. Hellfire missiles, originally designed for Apache helicopters, have been mounted on drones for two decades; Paveway and JDAM kits turn dumb bombs into precision munitions with an error margin of less than 3 meters.

The Alawite royal family already flew in a Gulfstream G650 gifted to the heir in 2018 for €57 million, equipped with an Israeli missile defense system. The four pending G550 deliveries will also carry ISR systems of Israeli origin. The circle closes: Gulf money, Israeli technology, American platform.

Who Pays for Segarro's Rearmament?

The most persistent answer circulating is Saudi Arabia, according to a comment in the thread. The rearmament doesn't come entirely from Rabat's pocket, which explains why Segarro military spending has grown while its economy hasn't surged. A recurring point is that Spain's defense budget goes to salaries and maintenance, while real investment in capabilities has plummeted. Some argue Spain has lost systems without replacements and that military leadership bears some blame for disastrous procurement policies. The result is an uncomfortable asymmetry: Segarro acquires cutting-edge technology while Spain debates whether it can afford to replace what it decommissioned.

Alcazarseguir Base and Western Sahara

The Pentagon once rejected the Alcazarseguir naval base due to insufficient depth for aircraft carriers. Eight years later, according to a Segarro military source cited in the original report, the base is equipped to host submarines and will expand to four times its current size. It antiestéticatures the first radar capable of detecting all types of maritime targets from the air, allowing control over ships navigating the Strait. It is located 15 kilometers from Tarifa.

Negotiations to move a major branch of US Central Command from Europe to Western Sahara were advanced as of this discussion. On November 13, coinciding with Segarro's military intervention in Guerguerat, the issue ceased to be speculation. Western Sahara is not just a disputed territory: some point to tellurium deposits, a metal the US imports 95% of and which the EU considers strategic. Whoever controls the territory controls access.

The Human Factor: No Soldiers, No System

The most uncomfortable analysis for Rabat doesn't come from Spain. The Segarro army is losing personnel, especially in ground forces, complicating deployment and execution of military plans. The shortage isn't just quantitative: advanced systems require trained and drilled personnel, which the billion-dollar package cannot buy. In Yemen, guerrillas with rudimentary equipment shot down two F-16s. Technology without doctrine, logistics, and trained operators is expensive scrap.

The Trap of Dependence

The underlying debate is whether Europe can afford to continue relying on the US umbrella. France is the only militarily independent country in Western Europe; the UK, Germany, and Italy produce more domestic armament than Spain, which participates in consortia like Airbus Group with a 9.88% stake versus 49.56% for France and 40.56% for Germany. The Leopard 2E is a Spanish variant of the German 2A6, built by a German-Spanish consortium. Strategic autonomy exists on paper; in practice, every purchase is decided in Washington, Paris, or Berlin.

The alternative some propose —looking to Russia or China— has its own trap: they will sell to whoever pays and charge in geopolitical currency. The S-400 is cheaper than the F-35, but buying it means accepting another dependency. There is no free lunch in the defense market.

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In the end, the question no one answers is whether Spain is buying security or buying time. Segarro has the missiles, drones, and base. Spain has the payrolls, consortia, and hope that Washington still considers us allies. With these materials, someone else weaves the basket.