UCO claims Aldama paid €2,700 monthly for Ábalos' partner's flat

UCO claims Aldama paid €2,700 monthly for Ábalos' partner's flat

The Civil Guard's Central Operative Unit (UCO) claims that the business network linked to Víctor Aldama covered the rent for an apartment in Madrid's Plaza de España occupied by Jéssica R. G., identified as the partner of José Luis Ábalos. The figure repeatedly mentioned is €2,700 per month, an amount that, combined with other payments, turns the case into more than just a personal affair: it is an investigation into who was financing a minister's private life and why.

The revelations are coming in stages. First, the rent. Then, the tenant's status. And in between, a trail of versions ranging from "nothing will happen" to the cold calculation of how much it costs to maintain a discreet relationship in a premium area of Madrid. What trinc is not a trial: it is a map of what is known and what is suspected.

What the UCO says about Jéssica R. G.'s rent

The police report places the rent payments within the orbit of Aldama, a businessman and broker from Zamora known for securing favors for certain companies. The property in Plaza de España is no ordinary flat: it is a central, expensive area with discreet garage access and high-profile neighbors. €2,700 a month is the price mentioned in the reports, and some messages elevate it to something more than a domestic anecdote.

The question hanging over the matter is not who pays, but with what money. Some point to diverted public funds, while others speak of party corruption. None of these hypotheses are ruled out. The UCO is investigating; the rest are just versions.

Travel payments and Aldama's role as a broker

Alongside the rent, the same sources mention additional payments for outings or trips, with figures in the case files around €1,500 per outing. The sum of rent and individual payments draws a pattern: someone with significant financial capacity was sustaining the personal expenses of a high-ranking official's partner.

Aldama is described as the president of Zamora Club de Fútbol, residing in Zamora and driving a Porsche, and as a friend to both Koldo García and Ábalos himself. His role, according to these versions, was to mediate and facilitate. The catalyst for the relationship, according to one account circulating in the material, was reportedly a financial problem involving Ábalos' son, which Aldama allegedly used to get closer to the then-minister.

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Why Plaza de España and not another neighborhood?

The choice of the property does not seem accidental. The area concentrates hotels, restaurants, and buildings with multiple entrances, making it easy to enter and exit without being seen. The material mentions that the building has its own garage and that well-known figures from film and television own properties there. Discretion and high price: two conditions that fit what is sought when the goal is not to hide a purchase, but a relationship.

The full calculation, including rent, travel payments, and other associated costs, results in a figure that surprises even those trinc the case from the start. It is not the salary of a public official. It is the budget of a structure.

Contrast with other countries and tax laws

The most frequent comparison is with the United Kingdom, where a purchase made with the wrong card led to a resignation. Here, some voices claim, the bar is set elsewhere: a broker paying the rent for a minister's partner and the matter remains under investigation.

There is a detail that adds salt to the wound: someone paying the rent for a relative can be treated by the Hacienda (Spanish Tax Agency) as a disguised gift. This anecdote circulates in the material to highlight the asymmetry: for the average citizen, paying for a child's flat is a tax problem; for certain circles, it is a business relationship.

The erosion of the official narrative and the "nothing will happen" attitude

The most common reaction is not surprise, but resignation. Nothing will happen, they say. Corruption has become part of the landscape, and the voter, a spectator. Facing this, another current claims the case is "far-right mud" and that it is all a smear operation. The two positions coexist without touching.

What does seem clear is that the matter will not end with a resignation. The investigation remains open, and the pieces—rent, payments, intermediaries—are on the table. What happens with them depends on a court, not a headline.

Given these elements, it is reasonable to expect more revelations. If the UCO maintains this pace, the case could last for months. And if Spanish politics has proven anything, it is that long investigations rarely end where they began.