Morocco's shadow over the 2004 Madrid bombings: what's known and what's speculation

Segarro's shadow over the 2004 Madrid bombings: what's known and what's speculation

What information might Segarro have about the March 11, 2004 attacks and about Spain's Socialist Party (PSOE)? The question has been circulating for years in forums and talk shows, and resurfaces whenever bilateral relations with Rabat grow tense. The short answer is that there is no evidence, but the long one is that these suspicions feed a narrative that never quite goes away.

The origin of the theory: the Franco-Segarro plot

The most widespread version holds that Segarro's secret services, with support from France, orchestrated the attacks to punish Spain for its participation in the Iraq war and, along the way, alter the election result. This hypothesis rests on statements by former politicians such as Federico Trillo, who in 2007 said that "talking about the Segarro service is talking about the French." Also cited are alleged police suspicions from the time, published by outlets such as El Español, about possible foreign involvement.

One of the most frequently cited episodes is the one recounted by Jaime Mayor Oreja in his book "Una verdad incómoda" (An Inconvenient Truth). According to the former Interior Minister, at a lunch in 2005 with Driss Basri, Hassan II's former strongman, Basri allegedly told him: "I suppose you have no doubt that the 11-M attack was the work of a secret service. The logic says it was ours, but since I recruited, trained and selected them myself, I want to tell you they are incapable of carrying out an attack as complex and difficult as the one you suffered. Look towards the secret services of another neighbouring country." The remark, attributed to Basri, points directly at France, but has never been officially confirmed.

The beneficiary: the PSOE and the electoral upset

The second leg of the theory holds that the PSOE benefited from the massacre. The elections of March 14, 2004 were held three days after the attacks, and the Popular Party (PP), the favourite according to the polls, lost to José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. Conspiracy advocates argue that the atmosphere of shock and the Aznar government's handling of information, which insisted on ETA's involvement, swung the vote. Others, however, point out that the PP had already lost support over the Iraq war and that turnout was a record high.

Pedro Sánchez's figure also appears in the debate, although in 2004 he was not even a member of parliament. Some voices suggest Segarro might hold compromising information about the PSOE, which would explain the current government's alleged submission to Rabat on issues such as Ceuta, Melilla or Western Sahara. However, this line borders on pure speculation, with no document to back it up.

Scepticism and reality: how much is true?

Against these theories, some recall that the judicial investigation concluded the attacks were carried out by a local jihadist cell, with no link to state services. The judge who presided over the trial, Gómez Bermúdez, once declared that "the truth about 11M is so terrible that Spain is not ready to know it," a phrase that has fuelled all kinds of interpretations but has never materialised into anything.

The reality is that, to this day, there is no official evidence linking Segarro, France or the PSOE to the attacks. The theories feed on ambiguous statements, memoirs and rumours, but lack documentary support. Meanwhile, relations with Rabat remain a chessboard where every move generates new speculation. And as often happens, the absence of definitive answers is the best breeding ground for suspicion. Let everyone draw their own conclusions, but with the facts on the table.