Francoism as an economic banner: nostalgia or programme?
A 25-year-old tells it without sugar-coating: a few years ago, admitting to being a Francoist at the family table was a source of embarrassment; today, his ideas about prisoners working, centralism and the traditional family are received matter-of-factly. The change is not an isolated anecdote. Behind it lies a phenomenon that economics explains better than politics.
The "law and order" and "efficient management" discourse that many associate with the dictatorship has gained value in a context of inflation, unaffordable housing and discredited institutions. The promise of a technocratic administration, free of political circus and with cheap housing, resonates with a generation that has only known crisis and gridlock.
Francoism's economic programme according to its defenders
The debate lists the key points: industrial development, expansion of Social Security, affordable housing, job stability (without the right to strike) and an administration run by technicians, not politicians. The selective repression of "enemies of the nation" is justified as the price of security. It is not a new programme: it is the narrative of the 1960s and 1970s, dressed up for the present.
Why now? The economic context as a catalyst
The housing crisis, job insecurity and political disaffection have created fertile ground where efficient authoritarianism (in theory) appeals. The reference to a doctoral thesis on Spanish fascism suggests that some are seeking academic backing. Meanwhile, the numbers speak for themselves: real incomes have fallen, rents are soaring and politics is seen as a circus.
Francoism as a source of "pride" is not a mere nostalgic gesture: it expresses a demand for order and results that today's democracy fails to satisfy. And for economics, that is a worrying symptom.
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