Borrell challenges absentee voting with the grandchild law
Borrell opens the debate on non-resident voting with the grandchild law: those registered in the CERA already decide seats in general, European, and regional elections.
English · Original discussion in Spanish · Published
Borrell opens the can of worms regarding foreign voting: nationality and a ballot paper don't go together
The phrase that no one expected from a former Socialist minister, Josep Borrell, former EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs, was delivered on September 16, 2026, during his appearance on La Noche en 24 horas, of RTVE: “Voting right and nationality don’t go together.” He said this in response to the so-called grandchild law, calling for a debate. With this statement, Borrell not only questions the nationality norm but also puts on the table the vote of those registered in the Census of Absent Residents (CERA), who elect seats without setting foot in the country or paying taxes there.
What is Borrell debating about the grandchild law?
The norm allows descendants of Spaniards to obtain nationality through the Democratic Memory Law. The former High Representative is not debating the passport; he is debating the package. According to his view, granting nationality along with a ballot paper is a logical leap that should be reviewed. The stumbling block is not the law itself, but rather that those who question it emerge from the very party that defended it, doing so in the same public forum where the Government presents its narrative.
Some read his intervention as an orderly change of script from outside the PSOE. Others see it as a position taken by someone who has nothing left to lose. The truth is that the analytical part of Borrell’s thesis adds an uncomfortable nuance: the PP had supported the law, and it was VOX, according to this reconstruction, that first denounced it.
Who can vote from abroad and in which elections?
The CERA registrants vote in general, European, and regional elections. They do not vote in municipal elections, but electorally, each absent resident is still attached to a Spanish municipality. Order EHA/642/2011 resolves extreme cases: if the registrant has never resided here, they are assigned the municipality of greatest attachment, either their own or that of an ancestor. This is why a Basque grandchild may end up voting in the Basque regional elections without ever having set foot in Euskadi.
That technical detail is what turns the discussion into more than just an identity debate. It is not about how many Spaniards are abroad, but what weight they hold in tight electoral districts, where a handful of mail-in votes decides a seat.
What do Germany and Italy demand from their citizens abroad?
The international comparison is the most useful aspect of this case. The German federal electoral law requires those living abroad to have resided in Germany for at least three months after turning 14, and that no more than 25 years have passed since then; or they must prove continuous engagement with German politics.
Italy groups its residents abroad into a separate constituency, with seats distinct from the internal electoral body.
These are two models that separate two things which travel together here: belonging to the nation and deciding on its budget.
Here, however, inherited nationality and the right to vote on how public funds are managed are granted in the same administrative act.
The fiscal argument and the Basque symmetry
A large part of the analysis hinges on one point: voting determines how public money is distributed, and only those who contribute to sustaining it should exercise that vote. Those who do not reside here do not pay IRPF (Personal Income Tax) or contribute to social security, and those who inherit nationality do not either. The logical consequence, according to this current view, is that foreign voting should be limited to those who maintain a genuine fiscal link.
A contrast heats up the issue: if the law applies to descendants of Spaniards who never set foot in the country, it is argued that the same logic should apply to descendants of those who left their communities of origin. Unverified figures even circulate regarding the exodus from the Basque Country due to ETA pressure, which sometimes reach two hundred thousand. An unsubstantiated fact; an argument, nonetheless, of political weight.
Borrell has left the door open, and no one knows if anyone will walk through it. The question is no longer whether a grandchild deserves a passport, but whether those who do not live here, do not contribute here, and sometimes do not even speak Spanish should decide who governs here. And with the seats so tightly contested, the answer counts.
The phrase that no one expected from a former Socialist minister, Josep Borrell, former EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs, was delivered on September 16, 2026, during his appearance on La Noche en 24 horas, of RTVE: “Voting right and nationality don’t go together.” He said this in response to the so-called grandchild law, calling for a debate. With this statement, Borrell not only questions the nationality norm but also puts on the table the vote of those registered in the Census of Absent Residents (CERA), who elect seats without setting foot in the country or paying taxes there.
What is Borrell debating about the grandchild law?
The norm allows descendants of Spaniards to obtain nationality through the Democratic Memory Law. The former High Representative is not debating the passport; he is debating the package. According to his view, granting nationality along with a ballot paper is a logical leap that should be reviewed. The stumbling block is not the law itself, but rather that those who question it emerge from the very party that defended it, doing so in the same public forum where the Government presents its narrative.
Some read his intervention as an orderly change of script from outside the PSOE. Others see it as a position taken by someone who has nothing left to lose. The truth is that the analytical part of Borrell’s thesis adds an uncomfortable nuance: the PP had supported the law, and it was VOX, according to this reconstruction, that first denounced it.
Who can vote from abroad and in which elections?
The CERA registrants vote in general, European, and regional elections. They do not vote in municipal elections, but electorally, each absent resident is still attached to a Spanish municipality. Order EHA/642/2011 resolves extreme cases: if the registrant has never resided here, they are assigned the municipality of greatest attachment, either their own or that of an ancestor. This is why a Basque grandchild may end up voting in the Basque regional elections without ever having set foot in Euskadi.
That technical detail is what turns the discussion into more than just an identity debate. It is not about how many Spaniards are abroad, but what weight they hold in tight electoral districts, where a handful of mail-in votes decides a seat.
What do Germany and Italy demand from their citizens abroad?
The international comparison is the most useful aspect of this case. The German federal electoral law requires those living abroad to have resided in Germany for at least three months after turning 14, and that no more than 25 years have passed since then; or they must prove continuous engagement with German politics.
Italy groups its residents abroad into a separate constituency, with seats distinct from the internal electoral body.
These are two models that separate two things which travel together here: belonging to the nation and deciding on its budget.
Here, however, inherited nationality and the right to vote on how public funds are managed are granted in the same administrative act.
The fiscal argument and the Basque symmetry
A large part of the analysis hinges on one point: voting determines how public money is distributed, and only those who contribute to sustaining it should exercise that vote. Those who do not reside here do not pay IRPF (Personal Income Tax) or contribute to social security, and those who inherit nationality do not either. The logical consequence, according to this current view, is that foreign voting should be limited to those who maintain a genuine fiscal link.
A contrast heats up the issue: if the law applies to descendants of Spaniards who never set foot in the country, it is argued that the same logic should apply to descendants of those who left their communities of origin. Unverified figures even circulate regarding the exodus from the Basque Country due to ETA pressure, which sometimes reach two hundred thousand. An unsubstantiated fact; an argument, nonetheless, of political weight.
Borrell has left the door open, and no one knows if anyone will walk through it. The question is no longer whether a grandchild deserves a passport, but whether those who do not live here, do not contribute here, and sometimes do not even speak Spanish should decide who governs here. And with the seats so tightly contested, the answer counts.
Summary of a discussion on Burbuja.info - Foro de economía, actualidad y política., translated from Spanish and reviewed before publication. Read the full discussion (51 replies).
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