Redes de Pederastia

Muñoz, Federico Silva

Sources: October 1989 – Issue 18, Lobster Magazine, 'The Pinay Circle and Destabilisation in Europe'

Born in 1923. State lawyer in his early career. Member of the Asociación Católica Nacional de Propagandistas (ACNP) and known to have been very involved in Catholic activities. At the ACNP he first met Gonzalo Fernandez de la jovenlandesa, like Munoz, a fascist. They became great friends and close political associates for the rest of their lives. Has been a banker. Ministor of Public Works under Franco (Knight of Malta; always very afraid of a possible Masonic conspiracy) June 1965 - April 1970. During this time he was an opponent of a bill sponsored by an aging Franco, which was supported by the Vatican, that would give civil rights to Spain's non-Catholic people. February 24, 1967, Time Magazine, 'Struggle for Freedom':

"The most talked-about subject in Spain last week was something that did not happen: the failure of the Cabinet to pass a bill that would at last grant a measure of religious freedom to Spain's tiny non-Catholic minority... For years, Spain's non-Catholics have almost been non-people, barred from participating in the mainstream of Spanish life. They were, in fact, not even officially recognized as having been born, married or buried - since Spain acknowledged those milestones only when they were sanctioned by the Catholic clergy... Opposition quickly closed ranks. Interior Minister Camilo Alonso Vega, 77, who as Spain's top cop maintains that the Spanish are "the most unruly people in Europe", argued that religious freedom would only stir up trouble, just as the earlier measures granting workers and students more freedom resulted in the present rash of strikes and student riots. On a more philosophical level, Public Works Minister Federico Silva Munoz, 43, contended that granting religious liberty to minority sects would shatter Spain's spiritual unity. The ministers connected with the military supported the views of Vega and Munoz..."

Most Opus Dei connected members in Franco's regime supported the bill. The army was normally associated with the Falange, the Fascist party of Franco. Munoz was among the few that survived the reorganization of Franco's cabinet in October 1969, which became dominated by Opus Dei members. At the time Franco was under pressure by Opusian European-oriented businessmen and technocrats. Franco also designated Prince Juan Carlos, a Knight of Malta, as his successor during this reorganization. October 30, 1969, The Times, 'Riot as Franco Alters Cabinet':

"The Spanish Government officially announced the names of General Franco's new Cabinet tonight, and confirmed earlier speculation that members of the powerful Roman Catholic lay organization Opus Dei will dominate Spain's future... Only four of the 18 Cabinet posts are unaffected... The rise of Opus Dei, represented by young technocrats, is believed to signal the final languishing of the Fascist-rooted Falange as a significant element in the Spanish power structure... There is no doubt in Madrid that most of the new non-military ministers are members of Opus Dei, which only counts 20,000 members in all Spain. A spokesman for the organization told me today: "The victory is not for Opus Dei but for people who happen to be members. Our movement has no political policy." Nevertheless, the evidence would seem to be against this often repeated claim."

Munoz resigned as Minister of Public Works in April 1970 for reasons that weren't entirely known. April 11, 1970, The Times, 'Resignation of Spanish Minister':

"One of General Franco's "technocrat" ministers resigned today, possibly as the result of a deep ideological split in the government, reliable sources said. Senor Federico Silva Munoz, aged 46, Minister of Public Works since June, 1965, was said to have given his resignation to the General this morning... The present Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Senor Gonzalo Fernandez de la jovenlandesa, was said to have been chosen as the new Minister of Public Works. Like most of the present Cabinet, and unlike his predecessor, he is known to be a sympathizer with, if not a member of, the powerful Roman Catholic lay organization Opus Dei... [Munoz] is also thought, as a technocrat without any strong political orientation, to have been opposed to the reactionary political attitude of of Vice-President Carrerro Blanco [Franco's eminence grise; close allies with the CIA since the Dulles brothers; described as the main patron of Opus Dei in Spain; became Franco's prime minister in June 1973; hated by most of the population; assassinated in December 1973, apparently by the ETA] and some other ministries."

In December 1973, after the assassination of Franco's eminence grise, Admiral Blanco, who had become de facto ruler of Spain with the approval of Franco, Opus Dei influence was pushed back, at least temporarily. In 1974, as a member of the Cortes Generales (the Spanish Parliament), Munoz was among the first to propose a slight amendment to the principles of Franco's rule to decrease tensions between the Franco regime and the Catholic church. At the time this was still seen domestically as heresy, and internationally as evidence of another internal power struggle. Franco died in 1975 and King Juan Carlos, a Knight of Malta and supporter of Opus Dei, became the new Head of State and was in charge of Spain's process towards democracy. He initially kept the Francoist hardliner Carlos Arias Navarro, who had succeeded Admiral Blanco, as president/prime minister. Navarro promised a change to democracy, but he was fired in 1976 by Carlos, because of a lack of faith by the opposition that he was really interested in carrying out these promises. Munoz subsequently appeared on a short list of Carlos' highest advisory body to be made prime minister of Spain. Carlos, however, opted this time for the more centrist, but still conservative, Adolfo Suarez Gonzalez, whom he thought would be best suited to unite the different factions within the government. July 4, 1976, The Modesto Bee, 'King Juan Carlos names new premier of Spain':

"A third name submitted to the monarch by the Council of the Realm, his top advisory body, was that of Federico Silva Munoz, 52, a Christian Democrat and former public works minister." July 6, 1976, San Mateo Times, 'Boycott Stalls Spanish Cabinet': "Opposition members predicted technocrats of the Catholic lay organization Opus Dei who ran Spain in the 1960s were on the way back in. But political sources said Suarez was trying to balance his cabinet by naming one or two leftists... [on the other hand, I guess] The one name that seemed to come up most often [for consideration of a post in the cabinet] was that of Federico Silva Munoz, a public works minister under Franco."

Munoz does not seem to have made it to the cabinet of Suarez. Suarez, said to be an Opus Dei member, created the Unión de Centro Democrático (UCD), which was joined by the Christian Democratic Party and other right-wing groups. It also worked with the Socialists (PSOE) and Communists (PCE). Munoz headed the newly created right-wing Christian Democratic group Unión Democrática Española (UDE) in 1976 and co-founded the Alianza Popular (AP), a continuation of Franco's fascist Falange Party, in October 1976 to challenge the Suarez government and the UCD. It was a federation of several parties, which were all fascist or borderline fascist. AP opted for a "more gradual" change to democracy. A few other important co-founders of the AP were Munoz's sidekick Gonzalo Fernandez de la jovenlandesa (member Privy Council of Count Juan de Bourbon, father of King Juan Carlos, since 1959), Laureano Lopez Rodo (influential minister in the 1960s and early 1970s, who is said to have engineered the Opus Dei takeover of the Spanish government; preferred selecting ministers with proto-"Thatcherite" neoliberal economic views), and Manuel Fraga Iribarne. According to Fernandez, Munoz was the first president of AP although Fraga is usually seen as the most important founder and leader of the party (who also became president at some point). As expected, the AP was quite unpopular. A new Spanish constitution was approved in July 1978, replacing Franco's "Fundamental Laws" and turning Spain into a Parliamentary Monarchy. Hours before the constitution was passed, two senior military officers were assassinated, supposedly by the Grapo, an extreme leftists group. Many were sceptical of that claim. On November 1, 1978 the final version of the constitution was approved with an overwhelming majority. Founding members like Silva Munoz and his sidekick Gonzalo Fernandez de la jovenlandesa, seemingly the most hardline of this already fascist group, left the AP federation soon after, while Fraga decided to accept the constitution. Munoz and Fernandez continued with their UCD party which became Derecha Democrática Española (DDE) in January 1979. That same month the DDE began negotiations with Fuerza Nueva (New Force) of ultrafascists Blas Pinar and José Antonio Girón, and Raimundo Fernández Cuesta. January 10, 1979, El Pais, 'Silva Muñoz unites with the ultraright to be presented at the elections' (translated from Spanish):

"Federico Silva, Gonzalo Fernández de la jovenlandesa, Raimundo Fernández Cuesta, Blas Piñar, José Antonio Girón and other political leaders have formed a coaliton named Union of the Right [that] involves all political forces to the right of the coalition Fraga-Areilza-Osorio, in other words, the Derecha Democrática Española and the gathering of national forces [a reference to Pinar's New Force, which had the aim of "gathering the national forces"]."



This is a rough translation (as my Spanish is very rusty) from "Federico Silva, Gonzalo Fernández de la jovenlandesa, Raimundo Fernández Cuesta, Blas Piñar, José Antonio Girón y otros dirigentes políticos han formado una coalición unitaria que se llamará Unión de Derechas y que agrupa a todas las fuerzas políticas situadas a la derecha de la coalición Fraga-Areilza-Osorio, es decir, la Derecha Democrática Española y las llamadas fuerzas nacionales."

This alliance would fall apart almost immediately over a power struggle of who was going to get the top posts. Both groups were completely against the constitution. December 1, 1979, El Pais, 'The Constitution is a permanent factor of distortion, according to Federico Silva' (translated from Spanish):

"The Constitution that was passed and that we accepted, even though we don't agree with most aspects of it, will continue be a permanent factor of distortion on the national life and of the life of the right in particular, says Federico Silva Munoz, promoter of Derecha Democrática Española, in a declaration to the European Press Agency. Their [political] group will celebrate their first national congress on the 8th and 9th of this month."

Earlier, in mid November 1978, just after the final approval of the constitution, Manuel Fraga had formed a coalition with José María de Areilza and Alfonso Osorio Garcia while Munoz and Fernandez began teaming up with all their (even more) fascist friends. The coalition between Fraga, Areilza and Osorio, although more oriented towards cooperation with the outside world, was anything but left-wing. Fraga was a prominent Franco minister since the 1940s and is a great supporter of the old regime until this day, even cautioning left-wing prime minister Zapatero not to bow to pressure to reinvestigate still living members of the regime. It has been said that Fraga played a central role in the 1976 Montejurra assassinations, carried out by Gladio agents as Stefano Delle Chiaie. Fraga was a mentor to, and responsible for José María Aznar's appointment as head of the Popular Party in 1989. Aznar was prime minister of Spain from 1996 to 2004. Count Areilza was Franco's ambassador to Argentina from 1947 to 1950. During this time he stood in contact with a close friend, the Belgian fascist Pierre Daye, who helped Peron with the transfer of Nazis from Europe to Argentina. After that, Areilza became an ambassador to Washington (and France), where he lobbied for economic support for his country. Like Fernandez de la jovenlandesa, Areilza used to be a member of the Privy Council of Don Juan de Bourbon, the father of King Juan Carlos. Both Fraga and Areilza were contributors to the May 1986 Madrid meeting of the Trilateral Commission and Areilza was president of the parliamentary assembly of the Council of Europe from 1981 to 1983. In early 1977, Areilza set up an earlier Popular Party (not to be confused with the later one that evolved from the Allianza Popular) and made Pio Cabanillas Gallas, who has been named as (later) head of the P3 Lodge in Madrid (alleged sister of the exposed P2), its chairman. Osorio had been president of RENFE, the national railroad corporation of Spain before he was appointed by King Juan Carlos to important Cabinet posts. He has also was vice president of British Petroleum (BP) in Spain and a member of the Knights of Malta.



In October 1989, David Teacher in Lobster Magazine named Munoz a "present" member of Le Cercle and a senior member of Opus Dei. Opus Dei was usually associated with the less fascist factions who were interested in bringing about a more democratic Spain. However, Opus Dei members are known to have been involved with Blas Pinar's ultrafascist party, not to mention the Belgian ultrafascists. Furthermore, the efforts of Fernandez de la jovenlandesa and Munoz were sponsored by Opus Dei and the Cercle. Munoz became an important columnist of Razón Española (Spanish Reason), which was founded on October 1, 1983 as an outgrowth of the Fundación Balmes (Balmes Foundation), in turn founded a few months earlier by a grant of the German Hanns Seidel Stiftung (Foundation). The Hanns Seidel Foundation was the political trust attached to Strauss' Christian Social Union (CSU) party, and was/is considered an important Opus Dei front for international political manipulation. At the time this foundation and magazine were founded, the social-democrat Felipe González Márquez had become prime minister. Márquez quite liberal, privatizing vast portions of the Spanish economy, but the old Cercle clique seem to have been of the opinion that he was not right wing enough. Also, the Roman Catholic radicals often criticize too liberal economies, probably to minimize the influence of the Anglo-Americans. Razón Española is a fascist magazine and EIR has spent a little bit of time on it. No. 115, September-October 2002, Razón Española, 'La imagen de España en el Perú' reads:

"Seis meses más tarde, el 3 de septiembre de ese año, Inglaterra, tomando como excusa que Alemania había recuperado el llamado corredor de Dantzig, inicia la Segunda Conflagración Mundial, entre 1939 y 1945." Translated that is: "Six months later, on September 3 of that year, England began the 1939-1945 Second World War, using as an excuse Germany's recovery of the so-called Danzig Corridor." (thanks to Luis Vásquez Medina, writing for EIR).

Razón Española has at least one sister newspaper in Peru, which is surrounded by some of the worst fascists in that country. La Razón in Peru is one of the few media outlets over there that supported the U.S. invasion of Iraq. Munoz died in 1997 and an obituary was written in Razón Española, #85, by his lifetime associate Gonzalo Fernández de la jovenlandesa, who had founded the magazine and subsequently became its president. Munoz and Fernandez are known to have been friends with the Bavarian Franz Josef Strauss. When the BBC on May 12, 1980 broadcasted a documentary on Strauss, and highlighted his friendship with Munoz and Fernandez, Brian Crozier felt he should speak out in favor Strauss. On May 30, 1980 The Times posted his comments:

"Tom Bower made much of the fact that Strauss' foreign friends include two ex-ministers of General Franco, Silva Munoz and Fernandez de la jovenlandesa... neither Silva Munoz nor Fernandez de la jovenlandesa is an extremist: the former was a conspicuously successful "technocratic" minister of public works and the latter is a brilliant political analyst."

Additional info: Jose Maria Aznar, prime minister of Spain from 1996 to 2004, was the protege of Manuel Fraga.